Kim In-hu (金麟厚, 1510–1560) was a civil official and Neo-Confucian scholar of the mid-Joseon period. His family seat was Ulsan, his courtesy name was Huzhi (厚之), his pen names were [[Hasŏ]] (河西) and Damjae (湛齋), and his posthumous name was Munjeong (文正). He is one of the [[Eighteen Worthies of Haedon
Born~Died 1510 ~ 1560Last edited Oct 15, 2026, 2:51 PM
Kim Jong-ryong (eldest son), Kim Jong-ho (second son), four daughters (sons-in-law: Jo Hui-mun, Yang Ja-jing, Yu Gyeong-ryeom; youngest daughter died young)
Kim In-hu (金麟厚, 1510–1560) was a civil official and Neo-Confucian scholar of the mid-Joseon period. His family seat was Ulsan (蔚山), his courtesy name was Huzhi (厚之), his pen names were Hasŏ (河西) and Damjae (湛齋), and his posthumous name was Munjeong (文正). He is one of the Eighteen Worthies of Haedong enshrined in the Munmyo.
Main career
In 1510 (the 5th year of King Jungjong's reign), he was born in Daemaek-dong, Jangseong, Jeolla Province, to Kim Ryeong, a Chambong (Reclusive Official) of the Uireung tomb, and his mother of the Okcheon Jo clan. From childhood he showed intelligence and talent in poetry and prose, and his name became widely known. At the age of ten, he studied the Xiaoxue under Kim An-guk, whose style name was Jaesa.
In 1528 (the 23rd year of King Jungjong's reign), he entered Sungkyunkwan to study, and in 1531 he passed the Samasi examination. In 1533, at Sungkyunkwan, he met Yi Hwang (李滉), who was known as Toegye, and they studied together. In 1540 he passed the special Munkwa examination and was appointed Gwonji Seungmunwon Bujeongja. The following year he entered the Hodang (Lake Hall) to undertake sadok seoyu (a period of scholarly leave), and he became Jeojak of the Hongmungwan.
In 1543 he became Hongmungwan Bakse and concurrently Seriwon Seolseo, serving the crown prince and taking on the duty of instructing and attending him. In June he was promoted to Hongmungwan Bu-sujan and concurrently Gyeongyeon Gomtojgwan, and he submitted a chaja (memorial) setting forth the grievances of the worthies who had been put to death in the Gimyo Purge, thereby carrying out his duties as a civil official. When the rehabilitation of the Gimyo Myeonghyeon (Gimyo worthies) was not achieved, he requested in December of that year to be assigned to a post near his aging parents, and he went out to serve as magistrate of Okgwa hyeon.
In 1544, after King Jungjong died, he came up to Seoul in May of the following year as Jesulgwan (Drafting Official). In July 1545, King Injong suddenly died, and the followed soon after. He cited illness, resigned, and returned to his hometown of , where he devoted himself to the study of .
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His Neo-Confucian theory occupies an important position in the history of Korean Confucianism. On the Taiji–yin-yang theory, which had become a point of controversy between Yi Hang and Gi Dae-seung, he argued that since principle (理) and material force (氣) are mixed, the Supreme Ultimate cannot be said to exist apart from yin and yang; yet because the distinction between the Way (道) and the vessel (器) is clear, the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang cannot be called one thing. By this he opposed Yi Hang's theory that the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang are one thing (太極陰陽一物說). He also argued that the human mind (人心) and the Way-mind (道心) both refer to the place where they move, and this had a deep influence on the later formation of Gi Dae-seung's theory of the primacy of emotion (主情說).
In cultivation theory, he took sincerity and reverence (誠敬) as his main aim. In his discussion with No Su-sin on the Sugheung yamae-jam hae (Commentary on the Admonition on Rising Early and Sleeping Late), he criticized No Su-sin's view that the mind governs the whole person. He held that although the mind does govern the whole person, when qi (氣) is mixed in and the mind is lost outwardly, the governing agent is lost; therefore, through reverence (敬) one must set it right, so that the mind can once again govern the whole person. This is his theory of reverence as the principal (主敬說). He was also well versed in astronomy, geography, medicine, mathematics, and music theory and calendrical science.
He was skilled in poetry and prose and left behind more than ten volumes of collected writings, while his works on the Way of learning (道學) were lost and little has survived. His writings include the Hasŏjip, the Juyeok gwansang-pyeon, the Seomyeong sacheondo, and the Baekryeon chohae.
Kim In-hu was a descendant of Kim Deok-ji (Kim Deok-ji), Prince Hakseong Buwongun, the second son of King Gyeongsun of Silla Kim Bu (金傳). His fifth-generation ancestor Kim On (金穩) was enfeoffed as Heungnyeogun (興麗君) as a Merit Subject of Joseon's founding and Wonjong and was enshrined at Haknimsa Temple in Jangseong. His wife, Lady Jeong of the Yeoheung Min clan, was a cousin of Queen Wongyeong, the queen of King Taejong. When her natal family was caught up in the power struggles that strengthened King Taejong's royal authority and suffered disaster, she took her three sons and settled in Daemaek-dong of Hwangnyong-myeon, Jangseong County, Jeolla Province, in despair. From then on, his descendants became people of Jangseong.
On the 19th day of the 7th month of 1510 (the 5th year of King Jungjong), he was born as the eldest of one son and one daughter to his father, Kim Ryeong (金齡), Uireung Chambong (Court Official of the Uireung Tomb), and his mother, a daughter of Jo Jeok (趙勣), Eumseum Hundo (Instructor of Eumseum), of the Okcheon Jo clan, in Daemaek-dong of Hwangnyong-myeon, Jangseong County, Jeolla Province. His innate character was pure and sincere, his appearance was dignified, and his spirit and magnanimity were broad and generous, so his father, Chambong, loved him all the more.
유년기와 소년기
From around the ages of five or six, he already understood written characters and composed poems, astonishing the people around him. In 1514 (the 9th year of King Jungjong), at the age of five, when his father Chambong was teaching him the Thousand Character Classic, he only watched closely and did not answer questions. Chambong became angry and said, "Having a child like this, he must be mute. Our family is in a sorry state." Before long, he dipped his finger in saliva and wrote on the wall, and all the characters were ones from the Thousand Character Classic. Only then did Chambong consider him remarkable. Also, once while composing a poem with an acquaintance, he produced the line, "In the vast and distant universe, a great person lives." One day, he took a fresh pear in his hand and peeled it layer by layer from the outer skin, continuing until he reached the core. When Chambong saw this, he thought it was a prank and scolded him. He replied, "I did it to observe the principle of growth."
In 1515 (the 10th year of King Jungjong), at the age of six, he looked at the full moon of the first month and composed a poem titled "Sangwonseok" (上元夕). Also, when a guest came and pointed to the sky and asked him to compose a poem with the character for "sky" (天) as the theme, he immediately answered: "Its form is round, vast and faint, boundless and empty, it encircles the edges of the earth. In the middle of its covering, all things are contained; why did the people of Qi worry it would collapse?" The people around him were all amazed and considered him exceptional.
In 1517 (the 12th year of King Jungjong), at the age of eight, Jo Won-gi (趙元紀), the uncle of Jeongam Jo Gwang-jo, who was then Governor of Jeolla Province, saw him, considered him remarkable, and composed poems with him. Seeing his outstanding talent and high level of literary skill, he praised him as "The Child Prodigy of Jangseong, the Finest Writer Under Heaven" (長城神童 天下文章).
In 1518 (the 13th year of King Jungjong), at the age of nine, Gi Jun (奇遵), styled Bokjae, came down to the southern countryside, heard his name, summoned him, and praised him, saying, "Truly a remarkable child. He should become a subject of our Crown Prince." He also gave him a gift of one brush of the "Naesapil" (內賜筆). He understood its meaning and always kept it carefully as a treasure.
혼인과 가정 생활
In 1523 (the 18th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 14, he married a daughter of Yun Im-hyeong (尹任衡), Magistrate of Jinan, of the Yeoheung Yun clan (驪興 尹氏). In 1524, the following year, his eldest son Jong-ryong (從龍) was born, and afterward he had four daughters. In 1532 (the 27th year of King Jungjong), his grandfather, Hundo-gong, passed away. In 1537 (the 32nd year of King Jungjong), his second son Jong-ho (從虎) was born.
In the 10th month of 1549 (the 4th year of King Myeongjong), he suffered the loss of his father and buried him on Mount Wondang to the west of the family home in Maek-dong, Jangseong. The epitaph was written by Song Sun of Myeonangjeong. For three years, he built a mourning hut beside his deceased father Chambong's grave and lived there. He named the hut's inner room plaque "Damjae" (湛齋) and used it as his pen name. In the 6th month of 1551 (the 6th year of King Myeongjong), while still in mourning for his father, he suffered the loss of his mother as well, and buried her on the left side of Chambong's grave.
수학
In 1519 (the 14th year of King Jungjong), at the age of ten, he visited Kim An-guk (金安國), styled Mojae, who was then at the Jeolla Province governor's post, and studied the Xiaoxue. Mojae considered him remarkable and said, "He is my little friend." He also called him "a person of the three generations" (三代의 人物), referring to the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties.
In 1522 (the 17th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 13, he, who was already skilled at composing poetry, considered the saying "Without learning the Odes, one cannot stand" (不學詩無以立) as a teaching of the sages, and avidly read the Book of Odes (詩經).
In 1525 (the 20th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 16, a diary of Seopo Gwak Yeol (郭說) recorded that "Haseo was intelligent and precocious, and by the age of fifteen or sixteen his name filled the entire province. When my father (Gwak Hui-yeong) went to Honam and read at Yeongeunsa Temple, Haseo also came and stayed at that temple to read the Han Wen (韓文). After a few days, Haseo said he was going back, so my late father asked, 'Have you really finished reading the Han Wen in just a few days?' Haseo smiled and said, 'I have roughly grasped it and am able to recite it.' My father then pulled out one volume and asked him questions; he had mastered every passage, as if he had memorized it long ago. So my father randomly pulled out other volumes to test him, and there was nothing he did not know, and my father was greatly amazed." This was recorded.
In 1526 (the 21st year of King Jungjong), at the age of 17, around this time he visited Song Sun (宋純) of Myeonangjeong in Damyang, studied under him, and continued to visit and pay his respects regularly thereafter.
In 1527 (the 22nd year of King Jungjong), at the age of 18, during the Gimyo Purge, he visited Choe San-du (崔山斗), styled Sinjae, who was in exile at Dongbok in Hwasun, and discussed scholarship with him. Sinjae was impressed by him and always called him "a jar of ice in autumn water" (秋水氷壺). Also around this time, he visited Park Sang (朴祥), styled Nujae, who had been demoted to Magistrate of Naju, had resigned due to illness, and was living in his hometown of Gwangju Seochang, and broadened the scope of his learning.1
학문 연구와 학맥
From childhood he was skilled at poetry and prose, and his fame spread throughout the land. He was cherished by the Gimyo Sarim figures Jo Won-gi, Gi Jun, Song Sun, Park Sang, and others, and he studied under Kim An-guk and Choe San-du, who were deeply versed in Neo-Confucianism. They were figures who suffered disaster in the Gimyo year (1519), which shows that he was by no means unconnected to the Gimyo Purge.
Furthermore, his teacher Kim An-guk studied together with Jo Gwang-jo under Kim Gwang-pil. This lineage flowed down as "Jeong Mong-ju–Kil Jae–Kim Suk-ja–Kim Jong-jik–Kim Gwang-pil–Kim An-guk," and as a direct figure who inherited the orthodox transmission of Joseon Neo-Confucianism, he was a direct heir of this orthodox line. Therefore, with respect to Jo Gwang-jo, he was in the relationship of a nephew-disciple (sasukjil), practically a brother of his teacher's generation. In this way, he became a figure who inherited the orthodox transmission of Neo-Confucianism, and was a model of scholarship and virtue for later Sarim.
Thus, even after Jo Gwang-jo, Kim Jeong, and other Gimyo Sarim suffered disaster, he had no choice but to follow their path of self-governing principles, and he could not help but take on their difficult legacy head-on. Afterward, as the first literary official to do so, he presented to King Jungjong, who had executed Jo Gwang-jo and other Gimyo Sarim, the wrongs of the Gimyo Purge, and requested the restoration of the reputations of those who had been sacrificed without cause. This was something that could not be done without being prepared to die, and it arose from a sense of duty rooted in the orthodox transmission.
In the spring of 1528 (the 23rd year of King Jungjong), at the age of 19, he went up to the capital, entered Sungkyunkwan, and took the examination held for scholars to commemorate the Qixi (七夕) festival on the seventh day of the seventh month, and he took first place. Yi Haeng (李荇), Grand Academician of the Hongmungwan, considered him remarkable and said that both his person and his writing were jade. However, suspecting that he might have had someone else do the work, he kept him at Sungkyunkwan and set seven themes for an examination. He completed all of them on the spot and handed in the scrolls, and the artistry of his poetry and prose was all outstanding, so Yi Haeng was greatly amazed. Among these, "Yeombu" and "Yeongheobu" are in his collected works. The scroll he wrote at that time, the Qixi Bu (七夕賦), became a topic of conversation among people.
In 1531 (the 26th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 22, he passed the Samasi at Sungkyunkwan and became a Jinsa. His fellow successful candidates of the same examination (dongbang) included Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok, Daegok Seong Un, Hyuam Baek In-gul, Limdang Jeong Yu-gil, Geumho Im Hyeong-su, and others.2 The following year, his grandfather Hundo-gong (訓導公) passed away.
In 1533 (the 28th year of King Jungjong), he met Toegye Yi Hwang at Sungkyunkwan, formed a friendship, and studied together. Not long after the Gimyo Purge, scholars neglected learning and were reluctant to speak of the Way of learning, but upon meeting Toegye once, they found deep agreement in purpose, and through continuous discussion and research, they helped each other cultivate learning and virtue, and this bore fruit. Later, Toegye recalled, "Among those with whom I associated, there was only one person, 'Haseo.'" Showing such a deep friendship with him. Not long after, when Toegye was about to return to his hometown, he wrote a "Farewell Poem" (贈別詩) as a keepsake.3 In this way, while at Sungkyunkwan, he met many talented men, including Yi Hwang, Hyuam Baek In-gul, Limdang Jeong Yu-gil, Geumho Im Hyeong-su, and Miam Yu Hui-chun.
In 1536 (the 31st year of King Jungjong), at Sungkyunkwan, he heard of the death of his teacher, Choe San-du (Sinjae), and wore mourning clothes, tied a hemp headband, and mourned his teacher's death. On the anniversary of his death, he held a memorial ritual (chije).4
In the 4th month of summer in 1539 (the 34th year of King Jungjong), the Ministry of Rites reported, "Since the Chinese envoys are said to be skilled at composing poetry, we have already selected many secretaries (jesulgwan), but would it be appropriate to select Kim In-hu and others, who gained great fame in the Sungkyunkwan examinations, to prepare for this?" The king ordered that it be done.
In the 2nd month of spring in 1543 (the 38th year of King Jungjong), he heard of the death of his teacher Kim An-guk (Mojae), wore mourning clothes, and afterward held a memorial ritual (chije) on the anniversary of his death. His elegiac poem to honor his teacher, "Manyeo (輓詞)," has been passed down in his collected works.
관료 생활
In the 10th month of winter in 1540 (the 35th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 31, he passed the special civil service examination in the lower rank of the literary division and was appointed as Junior Secretary of the Gwonji Seungmunwon (權知承文院 副正字).
In the 4th month of summer in 1541 (the 36th year of King Jungjong), he entered the Hodang (湖堂) and engaged in Sagadoseo (賜暇讀書, a system of study leave). Together with the twelve others selected at the same time, he cultivated a fellowship (契) and named its record "Hodang Sugye Rok" (湖堂修契錄). His academic exchanges with these men were especially close.5 In the 10th month of winter, he was appointed Junior Compiler of the Hongmungwan, concurrently Gyeongyeon Jeongyeong, Chunchugwan Gisagwan (Historian of the Chunchugwan).
In the 7th month of autumn in 1542 (the 37th year of King Jungjong), he was promoted to Jeojak of the Hongmungwan, a position belonging to the cheongyojik (clean and prestigious posts) reserved for people of high learning and reputation.
In the 1st month of 1543 (the 38th year of King Jungjong), a fire broke out in the Crown Prince's palace, burning the inner quarters to ashes, and as the court debated who had set the fire, the entire country was in turmoil.
In the 4th month of summer that year, he was promoted to Hongmungwan Baksa concurrently Seryeong (Secretary) of the Sejasigwonwon (世子侍講院). At that time, King Injong was cultivating virtue in the Chungung (春宮, the crown prince's palace), and he entrusted the responsibility for the Crown Prince's education entirely to him. The Crown Prince deeply recognized his learning and moral excellence, and with sincere heart and reverent courtesy often held audiences with him. He, too, thought that the Crown Prince's virtue surpassed all ages and that he might later realize the governance of the era of Yao and Shun, and he guided him with utmost sincerity, and their mutual understanding grew deeper each day. When he was on duty, the Crown Prince sometimes came out in person and discussed the difficult affairs of the state, and they did not end until late at night.
Furthermore, the Crown Prince, who was naturally skilled in the arts but had never shown his talents to anyone, presented him alone with a bamboo painting "Mukjuk" (墨竹) that he had drawn with his own hand, to convey his intention. He also ordered him to write a poem on the painting scroll, and the poem was as follows:
Roots, branches, leaves, and joints are all delicate and refined,
Hard stone, like a friend, is contained within the frame.
Our sacred king pairs with the harmony of creation,
Unified with heaven and earth, and without deviation.
This was the highest kindness a future king could show. Afterward, his favor toward him was exceptional, to the point that he even bestowed upon him a complete set of the Zhuzi Daquan. The trust and consideration that King Injong showed him took firm and deep root as loyalty, and this anecdote was widely recounted for generations as a model of the relationship between ruler and subject.6
기묘 명현의 신원 복원
In the 6th month of summer in 1543 (the 38th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 34, he was promoted to Hongmungwan Bu-sujan, concurrently Jipgyo (Drafting Official) and Gyeongyeon Geomto-gwan (Reviewing Official of the Royal Lectures). In the 7th month, at a daytime lecture (jugang), when discussing affairs of state, he alone resolutely submitted a memorial to King Jungjong expounding the Way of self-cultivation and self-reflection. Its outline was as follows:
"The old political climate that rejects upright scholars as the group of the Xiaoxue is widespread; the order and customs of the court must be corrected. The people sacrificed in the Gimyo year may have committed errors for a time, but their original intentions were not the slightest deception of the state, yet they were burdened with heavy punishment. Afterward, among those who committed crimes, there were some who, though guilty of great treason (大逆不道) even after death, were reinstated after a long time, yet the people of the Gimyo year still did not receive the king's grace. I alone consider this to be unjust. Moreover, the Xiaoxue and Hyangyak (鄕約), which the people of the Gimyo year revered, have been discarded and are no longer used. The Xiaoxue and Hyangyak are writings of the sages, yet today's scholars, mired in customs, discard them as books not to be read. I consider this deeply unjust." He pointed out these matters, and his words were very earnest and urgent.
Although more than twenty years had passed since the Gimyo year, the court and the countryside still feared and dreaded that era and dared not even mention it. As the first literary official to present a proposal for the restoration of the reputations of the Gimyo Martyrs, this was something that could not be done alone without being prepared to die, and it can be said to have arisen from a sense of duty rooted in the orthodox transmission.7 With this as the occasion, the mouths of the Sarim began to open. However, King Jungjong did not permit the restoration of the reputations of the Gimyo Martyrs, and only permitted the withdrawal of the Xiaoxue and Hyangyak, which he had ordered to be abolished.
In 1543 (the 38th year of King Jungjong), unable to achieve the restoration of the reputations of the Gimyo Martyrs, he could no longer endure this situation. Requesting leave (gyeolyang) to care for his aged parents,8 in the 12th month of winter he was appointed Magistrate of Okgwa, near his hometown, while retaining his concurrent post as Chunchugwan official.9 At that time, he studied and exchanged letters with Song In-su (宋麟壽), styled Gyuam (圭庵), who had come to serve as Honam Governor, and their friendship was very close.
인종 즉위 및 제술관
In the 11th month of 1544 (the 39th year of King Jungjong), King Jungjong died, and in the 4th month of summer in 1545 (the 1st year of King Injong), the Chinese envoy Zhang Chengxian (張承憲) came to offer condolences for the royal mourning, and the court summoned him as a secretary (jesulgwan) to attend.
Thereupon, the court, anticipating an era of great peace, gathered scholars from across the country, and all of them wished to entrust him with guiding King Injong in the royal lectures. However, knowing that the currents of the age would unfold in an anti-Sarim direction, he no longer wished to remain at court.
In the meantime, seeing that King Injong was frequently unwell, he requested to take part in the preparation of medicines, but was refused by the Yakwon (the royal medical office) on the grounds that it was not his duty. Citing his parents' illness, he returned to his original post.
사직과 은거
In the 7th month of autumn in 1545 (the 1st year of King Injong), at the age of 36, upon hearing that King Injong had suddenly died, he wept loudly as if he no longer wished to live, and suffered a severe heart attack. He fainted and then revived, and at last resigned due to illness, returned to his hometown of Jangseong, cut off any desire to serve again, and lived in seclusion in the mountains and forests, pouring out his grief through wine and poetry.10 Soon after, the Eulsa Purge (乙巳士禍) broke out. Afterward, he consistently lived by upholding the "integrity" of not serving two kings.
인종에 대한 절의
After the Eulsa year of 1545, every year around the time when summer turned to autumn, he stopped writing, did not meet guests, spent his days in melancholy, and never once walked outside his gate. Also, on the 1st day of the 7th lunar month, the death anniversary of King Injong, he took wine into the "Nansan" (卵山) in front of his house, wailed and cried out in grief, and stayed through the night before descending. He never missed this once in his life, and remained steadfast in it. Also, with the desolate feelings of mourning and longing for King Injong, he composed the poems "Yusosa" (有所思) and "Josinsaengsa" (吊申生辭).
[Yusosa (有所思)]
When my lord was approaching thirty, I was thirty-six.
We had not yet enjoyed even half of our newlywed sweetness, and you departed like an arrow leaving the string, my lord.
My heart is a stone that will not roll; though worldly affairs flow like a flowing stream, I should forget them.
Having lost you, my companion for life in the prime of youth, my eyes have dimmed, my teeth have fallen, and my hair has turned white.
How many springs and autumns have I lived in grief? Yet I have not died and still remain alive.
The white sand lies by the old waterside, and every year ferns sprout on the southern mountain.
Still, it is like the sorrowful separation of the Zhou king's consort; there is at least the hope of reunion.
In the spring of 1547 (the 2nd year of King Myeongjong), he was appointed Seongyungwan Jeonjeok (Secretary of Sungkyunkwan), but did not take up the post. In autumn, he was appointed Jeonggyo-jeong of the Gongjo (Ministry of Works), and while traveling after being summoned, he resigned due to illness and returned. He was also appointed Jeollado-sa (Provincial Official of Jeolla), but was immediately removed from office.
On the day after his removal, the 18th, the "Yangjae Station Wall Inscription Incident" (양재역 벽서사건) occurred, and Sarim figures were executed or exiled. These men were his ideological comrades and close friends, and he deeply grieved their deaths.11
In the summer and autumn of 1549 (the 4th year of King Myeongjong), he was appointed Jeonjeok of Sungkyunkwan, but did not take up the post. In the 10th month, he suffered the loss of his father Chambong, who had been residing in Sunchang, and in the 12th month buried him in Wondang-gol of the Jangseong home. After building a mourning hut beside the grave and living there, in the 6th month of 1551 (the 6th year of King Myeongjong) he suffered the loss of his mother as well, and buried her on the left side of Chambong's grave.
In the 7th month of 1553 (the 8th year of King Myeongjong), he was appointed Jeonjeok of Sungkyunkwan, but did not proceed to the post. In the 9th month, he was appointed Hongmungwan Gyori, concurrently Jipgyo, Gyeongyeon Sidoggwan, Chunchugwan Gijugwan, and when he set out on the road in response to the summons, he fell ill, and he submitted a memorial requesting resignation and returned. In the 11th month of winter, he was appointed Chikgang of Sungkyunkwan, but as his illness was grave and he could not endure it, he earnestly petitioned about his condition and did not proceed.
In the 9th month of late autumn in 1554 (the 9th year of King Myeongjong), he was again appointed Chikgang of Sungkyunkwan, but declined by submitting a memorial. In the 10th month, King Myeongjong issued a special order to the governor of his province, saying, "Let him be provided with food and medicine, and when he recovers, let him come up by relay horse," but he again declined in writing. In this way, he did not answer the court's summons on the pretext of illness and maintained his integrity toward King Injong.
In the 12th month of 1555 (the 10th year of King Myeongjong), Chamchanggwan Park Min-heon said, "As a lecture official, men like me do not well understand the texts in the Book of Documents. We must seek out the Confucian scholars Yi Hwang and Kim In-hu and discuss with them morning and evening, and then we will understand the principles." He argued that if they were summoned to attend the lectures, they would have the merit of guiding the court.
The historian (sagwan) wrote: "Kim In-hu had talent and conduct, yet he did not concern himself with advancement in office. He loved reading and was good at writing. He wore tattered clothes and ate coarse food with equanimity, and in his later years he loved Neo-Confucianism, studying it precisely and reflecting deeply. Although he was summoned many times, he did not come out, citing frequent illness. Even if forced to come up, if he were made to attend the discussions and lectures, he would have the merit of guiding the court." However, the court did not employ the Confucian scholars Yi Hwang, Kim In-hu, and others in positions to discuss and debate affairs of state, and caused them to retire to the countryside. Was this not truly a grievous error of government?
After the Eulsa Purge, he withdrew into seclusion, and once he had recovered his strength, he devoted himself wholly to the study of Neo-Confucianism, inquiring without rest and striving step by step to put it into practice, so that in his later years his scholarship became ever more refined and deep. Moreover, the basic direction of his learning lay in practicing righteousness. This was a characteristic of the scholarship of Joseon's Confucian moralists and was also the purpose of studying Neo-Confucianism. Thus, his Neo-Confucianism theory became established as a representative theory that led the Joseon Neo-Confucian world of the 16th century, and he stood at the center of the debate on principle (li) and material force (qi), occupying a very important position in the history of Korean Confucianism.
In 1547 (the 2nd year of King Myeongjong), at this time, Chinese scholarship had greatly collapsed, and many revered Lu Xiangshan and Wang Yangming, and few truly knew Zhu Xi. Therefore, the master composed a poem and presented it to his disciple Gi Hyo-gan as follows:
Between heaven and earth there are two persons: Zhongni (仲尼, Confucius) is the primordial qi, and Ziçyang (紫陽, Zhu Xi) is the truth.
Above all, concentrate your mind deeply and do not go down other paths; please gladden this one old and worn-out body.
In this way, he generally thought that since the emergence of writing, the many sages had established standards, but when their decline arrived, without Confucius the way of the many sages would not have been transmitted; and after Confucius, many worthies inherited the tradition, but when it grew dim, without Zhu Xi the way of Confucius would not have been made clear. He held that the undertakings and merits of the two masters, Confucius and Zhu Xi, stand lofty and radiant between heaven and earth, and that the many sages and worthies could not surpass them. Therefore, he expressed this in lyrics and poems to open the way for later students, and the general scope of his understanding can be seen in this poem.
At this time, Yi Ji-nam (李至男), styled Yeong-eung, came to study with him for several years. Once he wished to study the Chu Ci (楚辭), and he, while reading it, could not finish and was unable to contain his sorrow, so he wrote a poem for him, as follows:
Jade-like in color, fragrant as orchids, a character fitting for his household; in a thatched hut beyond the bamboo grove he studies the Lisao.
Why must one gallop after the words of the Feng and Ya? The three hundred poems of the Zhou are truly peaceful and harmonious.
In general, after the Eulsa year, he always wept in sorrow in his daily life, as if a destitute man had no place to return to, and much of what appeared in his singing and chanting was like this.
In the 2nd month of spring in 1549 (the 4th year of King Myeongjong), while living in seclusion at Jeomam village in Ssangchi-myeon, Sunchang, he obtained the "Lectures on the Great Learning" (대학 강의) from the Zhuzi Daquan and wrote a postscript to the "Lectures on the Great Learning." Also around that time, the attention of Neo-Confucian scholars was focused on the Cheonmyeongdo (天命圖, Diagram of the Heavenly Mandate). Jeong Ji-un (鄭之雲), styled Chuman, completed a Cheonmyeongdo that expressed "the Four Beginnings arise from principle, and the Seven Feelings arise from material force," diagramming it and attaching an explanation. When he received it, he thoroughly revised and supplemented it, and drew a Cheonmyeongdo that presented profound insight into the essential nature of human nature, greatly contributing to the development of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.
Toegye Yi Hwang also actively took part in this discussion, and Yi Hwang, too, deeply respected the precision of his opinions and explanations upon reading his writings on Confucian moral learning.12 These profound discussions became the ideological background for the later "Debate on the Four and Seven" (四七 論辯, the debate between Yi Hwang and Gi Dae-seung on the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings) between Yi Hwang and Gi Dae-seung.
In 1552 (the 7th year of King Myeongjong), Yang San-bo (梁山甫) composed a long work, the "Hyobu" (孝賦). He had earlier composed a text following the poetic rhythm, and Song Sun directly organized his thoughts and wrote a critique after the original text. It is included in his collected works.
In 1556 (the 11th year of King Myeongjong), Seo Gyeong-deok (徐敬德), styled Hwadam, was held in esteem as the leader of "the study of the mind" (心學), and he had once composed the poem "Reading the Zhou Yi" (讀周易詩). Upon reading this poem, he responded by rhyming, "The words of the sages are the way of heaven and earth, and cannot be called spiritual." This was because Seo Hwadam's manner of guiding those who studied was feared to lead them, without passing through a gradual process and neglecting the study of lower learning, toward the shortcut of seeking sudden enlightenment. Deeply concerned about this, he finally replied to his poem to correct it.
In the summer of the fifth month, Confucian scholar An Seo-sun (安瑞順) of Musan county, together with Jeong Ryun (鄭倫) and Kim Eung-jeong (金應貞), submitted a memorial that stated the grievances of the eminent scholars who had been falsely accused in the Eulsa year. Yun Won-hyeong had An Seo-sun and Jeong Ryun of Naju executed by beheading for conspiring to shield traitors, and confiscated their family property. Jin-sa Kim Eung-jeong was exiled to a distant place on the grounds that he had written the petition. Moreover, Yun Won-hyeong was determined to implicate Kim In-hu and bring disaster upon the Sarim scholars, but his aims were not achieved.
In 1557 (the 12th year of Myeongjong), he pondered the profound meanings of texts such as the Taegeuk-do seol (太極圖說) and the Seomyeong (西銘), reading them more than a thousand times. At this time he composed the Juyeok gwansang-pyeon (周易觀象篇) and the Seomyeong sacheon-do (西銘事天圖), and he also showed his students in writing: "The diagrams and explanations of Lianxi (Zhou Dunyi) are precise in principle, its sentences are concise yet its meaning is complete; Zhang Zai's Ming (Western Inscription) is broad in scope, neither floating nor leaking. If one is of superior intellect, one should first apply effort from the Supreme Ultimate (Taegeuk); if not, one should understand the Seomyeong and then arrive at the Supreme Ultimate. The Supreme Ultimate is the root of virtuous nature, and the Seomyeong is the norm of learning; in short, neither should be neglected." The Seomyeong sacheon-do and the Taegeuk-do seol were lost and have not been transmitted to the world.
In the 13th year of Myeongjong (1558), in the seventh month, Go-bong Gi Dae-seung (奇大升), on his way to Seoul to take the civil service examination, came to visit him and discussed the Taegeuk-do seol. In the tenth month, Gi Dae-seung passed the civil service examination; in the eleventh month of that year, after obtaining leave and returning home, Gi Dae-seung stopped at the home of Ilje Yi Hang (李恒) and re-lectured on the Taegeuk-do seol that they had previously discussed. Yi Hang argued that "the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang are one thing," while Gi Dae-seung argued otherwise; they debated throughout the day without reaching a conclusion. Thereupon Gi Dae-seung visited him and asked which view was right and which wrong, and he said that Gi Dae-seung's opinion was correct, and lectured with Gi Dae-seung all day until they finished.
Also, Sojae No Su-sin (盧守愼) composed a commentary on the Sukheung yamae-jam (夙興夜寐箴); the letters of exchange between him, Toegye Yi Hwang, and himself, through lectures and questions, amounted to several hundred words. Toegye Yi Hwang often abandoned his own views and followed much of his theory.
Here, Sojae No Su-sin said, "The mind governs the body." He criticized this and advocated the "Theory of Reverence (Jugyeong-seol, 主敬說)," which holds that "the mind governs the body, but when qi becomes mixed in and the mind is lost outwardly, the governing agent is lost; therefore, one must rectify it through reverence, and only then can the mind again govern the body."
Cai Jiufeng's (蔡九峯) Hongbeom seol-si do-seol (洪範揲蓍圖說) of the Song dynasty is clear and also thorough, yet later people still did not understand it in detail. He took Cai Jiufeng's theory as his foundation, added his own explanations, and carefully created a new work, which he named Hongbeom seol-si jak-gwa-do (洪範揲蓍作卦圖), and transmitted it to his disciple Yang Ja-jing (梁子澂). Thus the profound meanings transmitted by "Zhu and Cai (朱蔡: Zhu Xi and Cai Shen)" were at last clarified.
In the 14th year of Myeongjong (1559), Ilje Yi Hang vigorously debated, in a text expressing the idea that "the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang are one thing," and sent it through Go-bong Gi Dae-seung by letter. He then sent a letter to Ilje, which said: "I do not dare to comment on the letter sent to Master Gi, but in general, principle (理) and material force (氣) are mixed, and what fills heaven and earth comes from nothing other than them; nothing is not contained in them, and at the same time there is nothing that does not possess each of them. Thus the Supreme Ultimate cannot be said to be separate from yin and yang. However, the distinction between the way (道) and the vessel (器) cannot be without boundaries, so it seems that the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang cannot be said to be one thing. Zhu Xi said, 'The Supreme Ultimate's riding upon yin and yang is like a person riding a horse,' and therefore one certainly cannot say that the person is the horse."
That winter, while he was with Gi Dae-seung, who had returned to his hometown, there was no place they did not reach in lecturing on the theory of the "Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings (四端七情)." Go-bong Gi Dae-seung deeply doubted Toegye Yi Hwang's "Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings, Principle and Material Force Mutually Activating (四七 理氣互發)," and when he questioned him, he replied smoothly without obstruction, giving detailed analysis and argument thoroughly and precisely.
Also, Sojae No Su-sin (盧守愼), relying on Jeongam Na Heum-sun's (羅欽順) Gonjigi (困知記), argued that "the Human Mind of the Way (道心) is still and does not move, while the Human Mind (人心) responds and thereupon penetrates." He strongly criticized this and said, "The Human Minds and Way Minds of the sages all point to a place of movement and speak of it." After his death, Toegye Yi Hwang and Go-bong Gi Dae-seung respected his theory and actively attacked the theory of Sojae; his main treatises were lost and have not been transmitted.
In the first month of the 15th year of Myeongjong (1560), he passed away. In the third month, his posthumous disciple Gi Dae-seung respectfully prepared wine and fruit and offered a libation (奠) before his spirit tablet.13
In the eighth month of 1560, Go-bong Gi Dae-seung composed the "Sachil seol" (四七說) and the "Jang-seo" (長書), based on the insights he had gained from him, and respectfully presented them to Toegye Yi Hwang. Afterward, the debates between him and Toegye on the rights and wrongs of the Four and Seven Mutual Activation amounted to tens of thousands of words, and they were distinguished through his instruction. When Go-bong questioned Toegye, Toegye also said, "Damong (Haseo's pen name) only made a few brief remarks, yet I think one can already see the essential meaning and substance of his words."
In the 16th year of Myeongjong (1561)... [sic: the original text reads as follows.] However, Go-bong Gi Dae-seung discarded all the earlier theories he had obtained through him, and thereafter consistently followed Toegye Yi Hwang's theory, losing logical consistency, so that the front and back were split and the two seemed to be speaking differently. This is the "Toegye-Goebong correspondence" that has been transmitted to the world.
In his theory of self-cultivation, he also took the practice of sincerity (誠敬) of the sages as the goal of learning, and set his aim on building a moral society. Yet he never once claimed to know the Way, and always regarded himself as lacking.
Literary Activities
As he grew up, the poems and prose he wrote were clear and elegant, lofty and outstanding, and few in his time were comparable to him; merely by looking at his appearance one knew he was not a man of the mundane world. What he aimed at was to practice ritual propriety and norms, and so he did not dare to be negligent.
From his early days, when he went in and out of the household of Choe San-du in Dongbok, Hwasun, he gained a reputation in poetry as well. Later, he was already famous in Seoul for writing well, and after returning to his home village, he associated with virtuous Sarim figures throughout the Jeolla region, and especially with Yang San-bo, master of Soswaewon in Damyang, forming a bond of moral friendship and maintaining an even closer relationship.
Centered on Myeonanjeong (俛仰亭), together with the famous figures of his time—Song Sun, Im Eok-ryeong, Kim Yun-jae, Kim Seong-won, Gi Dae-seung, and Jeong Cheol—and centered on the pavilions of Damyang such as Soswaewon (瀟灑園), Siknyeongjeong (息影亭), and Hwanbyeokdang (環碧堂), he formed the Honam poetic circle and played a great role in the development of pavilion literature in the 16th century. The "48 Poems on Soswaewon" and "30 Poems on Myeonanjeong" he wrote at that time, together with various other regulated verses, were widely praised as the pinnacle of pavilion literature, and they are still preserved today.
Cultivation of Later Scholars
In the fourth month of 1546 (the first year of Myeongjong), he wrote a postscript to the Hyogyeong gano (孝經刊誤). This was because, when he served as magistrate of Okgwa, Miam Yu Hui-chun (柳希春), returning home from Hanyang, stopped at the county and showed him the book Hyogyeong gano by Zhu Xi (朱子). He was greatly pleased and personally copied it, and now he appended a postscript at the end of that book to expand its meaning and teach those who came to study. Thus, the path that he, who lived in his hometown upholding his integrity, could take was only academic research and the cultivation of later scholars.
In the spring of 1548 (the third year of Myeongjong), he took his parents with him and temporarily lodged at Jeomam village, Dunjeon-ri, Ssangchi-myeon, Sunchang, the home of his wife's family. There he built a small hall, hung a plaque reading "Hunmong" (訓蒙), and instructed many students, always having them first read the Xiaoxue and then the Daxue. Jeomam in Sunchang had exceptionally fine trees and rocks, and on the riverbank there was a flat rock large enough for dozens of people to sit upon; together with his disciples, including Yang Ja-jing (梁子澂) and Jo Hui-mun (趙希文), he lectured on the Daxue there. The world called it "Daehak-am" (大學巖). Further upstream there is also Nakdeok-am (樂德巖).
Thus, having returned to his home village, he took refuge in nature, abandoned everything, and as if resigned, made poetry and wine his companions, passing the years in carefree tranquility, and yet his mind was at peace. The poem that expresses this state of mind is the "Song of Nature" (自然歌). In the tenth month of the following year, he suffered the loss of his father, Chambong, and in the twelfth month he returned to his hometown of Jangseong and buried him at Wondang-gol, Maek-dong.
[Song of Nature (自然歌)]
The green mountains are naturally so, the clear waters are naturally so.
The mountains are naturally so, the waters are naturally so, and I among mountains and waters am also naturally so.
Surely human life was also born naturally, so we shall naturally grow old.
In the tenth month of 1549, after his father's death, when he returned to his hometown of Jangseong, he devoted himself to students who came to hear of him, and taught them patiently and sincerely. He always had them first read the Xiaoxue and then the Daxue, consistently following the established method of Zhu Wengong (朱文公). In teaching his two sons, too, he had them read the Xiaoxue for ten years and did not let them switch to other books.
His disciples included scholars of their day, such as Byeon Seong-on (卞成溫), Gi Hyo-gan (奇孝諫), Jo Hui-mun (趙希文), Yang Ja-jing (梁子徵), Jeong Cheol (鄭澈), O Geon (吳健), Nam Eon-gi (南彦紀), No Jeok (盧適), Yun Gi (尹祈), Sin Gak (申覺), Seo Tae-su (徐台壽), Yi Ji-nam (李至男), Kim Jong-ho (金從虎), An Jeung (安璔), Kim Je-an (金齊顔), Yang San-hae (梁山海), and Park Won-sun (朴元恂).
Death
In the first month of the 15th year of Myeongjong (1560), at the age of 51, on the sixteenth day by the lunar calendar, after about fifteen years of seclusion in his hometown of Jangseong, his illness became critical; he straightened his posture and, at the age of 51, passed away peacefully.
Three days before he died, his energy was unsettled, and as he took medicine he said to his family, "Tomorrow is the full moon. Prepare the offerings of raw grain and cooked food with care, and have my children present the sacrifices at the ancestral shrine."
On the fifteenth, the day of the full moon, he rose early despite his illness, straightened his clothes and cap, and knelt waiting for the hour of the ritual; he instructed his children, saying, "When I die, do not use any official titles conferred after the Eulsa year." Even to the last moment, he revealed the firm integrity and lofty character of a scholar who wished to keep his loyalty to King Injong.
When the news of his death was reported to the court, King Myeongjong issued a special order to send condolence gifts. In accordance with his wishes, in the third month he was buried in Daemaek-dong Wondangsan, at the foot of his parents' tomb, in the self-ja, o-hyang direction in Jangseong-hyeon.
He habitually kept the Garye (家禮) in mind, was even more careful in funeral and ancestral rites, and when it came to seasonal ancestral rites and rites on the first day of each season, he always attended even when ill, and was not swayed by customary taboos. In teaching his children, he put filial piety, fraternal duty, loyalty, and trustworthiness first, and literary arts second.14
In conversation with others, he did not take his own opinion as the standard, yet once he had firmly established something for himself, it was very solid and could not be uprooted, and it was outstanding and could not be followed. He wrote regular and cursive scripts well, and his brushwork was vigorous.
Works and Writings
He not only had deep knowledge of Neo-Confucianism, but was also thoroughly versed in astronomy, geography, medicine, divination, music theory, and calculation. His theory of the Supreme Ultimate was also profound, and he completed the Cheonmyeong-do (天命圖), but his writings on Confucian moral learning were lost, so few remain. He was also a poet who played a decisive role in the development of pavilion literature in the 16th century, and as he excelled in prose and poetry, he left more than ten volumes of collected writings.
Haseo-jip (河西集)
Juyeok gwansang-pyeon (周易觀象篇)
Seomyeong sacheon-do (西銘事天圖)
Hongbeom seol-si jak-gwa-do (洪範揲蓍作卦圖)
Garye gooo (家禮攷誤)
Cheonmyeong-do (天命道)
Baekryeon chohae (百聯抄解)
Family Relations
Great-grandfather: Kim Dal-won (金達源), Junior Third Rank Chungjwa-wi (忠佐衛) Jungnyeong Sajeong (中領司正)
Great-grandmother: Lady Yi of Seoheung (瑞興 李氏), daughter of Yi Chun-gyeong (春景), Pansajae-sisa (判司宰寺事)
Grandfather: Kim Eui-gang (金義剛), Jikjang (直長) of Saoseo (司醞署)
Father's father: Kim Hwan (金丸), Hunto (訓導) of Geumgu
Father's mother: Lady Kim of Jiksan (稷山 金氏), daughter of Kim Seok-sung (金石崇), granddaughter of Kim Ji-hyo (金知孝), Left Secretary of the Crown Prince's Office (世子左司經)
Daughter: married Jo Hui-mun (趙希文), Gyori of the Hongmungwan
Daughter: married Yang Ja-jing (梁子澂), Magistrate
Daughter: married Yu Gyeong-ryeom (柳景濂), Chalbang
Daughter: (female), died young
Descendants
Among his descendants are Kim Seong-su (金性洙), known by the pen name Ingon, a towering figure of modern history who founded Korea University, launched the Dong-a Ilbo, and served as the second Vice President of South Korea; Kim Byeong-ro (金炳魯), known by the pen name Gain, a perpetual model for the legal profession who as a human rights lawyer during the Japanese colonial period served as the first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Korea; Kim Yeon-su (金季洙), known by the pen name Sudang, an entrepreneur who founded Samyang Group; and Kim Sang-hyup (金相協), known by the pen name Namjae, a towering figure of Korean intellect who served as president of Korea University and as Prime Minister of South Korea.
Thought and Achievements
Historical Context
He was born in the 5th year of King Jungjong and died in the 15th year of King Myeongjong. This period, when the chaotic court of King Yeonsangun was set right by the Jungjong Restoration in an effort to restore a new political order, and when, in the early years of King Jungjong, people sought to open an atmosphere of literary governance and establish the discipline of the state, was also an era in which, from the time of the deposition of the "Shin" consort after Jungjong's accession, factional strife among the maternal relatives intensified internally and conflicts surrounding royal authority became open. The Gimyo Purge and the Eulsa Purge that occurred at this time may be said to represent well this character of the age.
The Gimyo Purge was an incident in which the ideals of the Sarim who sought to raise a new spirit after the Jungjong Restoration clashed with the practical desires of the Hungu high officials, and the Sarim suffered calamity. The Eulsa Purge was an incident in which Yun Won-hyeong and the maternal relatives of King Myeongjong harmed the close attendants of King Injong in order to consolidate their own power base.
Spiritually, he was a Confucian moral scholar who inherited the Sarim spirit; he was loved by Bokjae, studied under Mojae, and learned from Sinjae. Because he was a subject of King Injong, he did not come close to Yun Im or Yun Won-hyeong, and he was ashamed to be in the same court as those ruling factions. He strove to keep his own integrity, and this was a continuous struggle against them.
Yet he shared a deep and unusual affection with King Injong, and as they thought and felt alike, he became not only a subject and attendant of the crown prince but also the sole friend of the crown prince as his protector. For this reason, no one other than King Injong understood his profound intentions, and the circumstances that would have allowed him to realize his position were not granted; so, as for him, he met an unfortunate age and failed to find the opportunity to display his lofty statecraft. Thus, though he possessed a high character, scholarly statecraft, and a will to govern, he could not realize his ideals and was forced to live an unfortunate life, making poetry and wine his companions and lamenting the passing years.
Moral Learning (Dohak)
His scholarship lies in practicing righteousness. This is the academic characteristic of the moral scholars of the Joseon period and also the purpose of studying Neo-Confucianism. Dohak is another name for Neo-Confucianism, but it was also the scholarly style advocated by the new Sarim who entered the court with the rise of King Jungjong. Its spirit was aimed at realizing the governance practiced by the sage kings Yao and Shun, and this claim arose from the aim of learning the fundamental spirit of Confucianism.
The occasion on which this Dohak turned toward Neo-Confucianism was the Gimyo Purge, and in Honam too the Gimyo Purge became a great stimulus for developing thought and consciousness. This was because Jo Gwang-jo was exiled to Neungju in Hwasun, Jeolla Province, so that his spiritual orthodoxy was received in Honam, and the Gimyo Sarim formed ties with Honam.
He grew up under the teaching of the Gimyo Sarim and, by inheriting their spirit, laid the developmental foundation of Honam Confucianism. To call him outstanding in moral learning, literature, and integrity is not only to say that his scholarship and spirit were like that, but in fact, in the points that his later intellectual inheritance and developmental characteristics display the same phenomenon, one can see that his character was inherited and developed as it was.
Thus, looking at his thought, the moral thought of Dohak came from the consciousness of the Gimyo Sarim, but his scholarly characteristic lies in having opened the path to establish this ideologically and to investigate it theoretically. It was precisely the "Cheonmyeong-do" that he made which enabled this ideological establishment.15
Integrity (Jeol-ui)
The spirit of integrity refers to uprightness and righteousness, and righteousness means practicing what is correct; it is the manifestation of the original nature and the concrete substance of benevolence. His righteousness came from a benevolent nature that seeks to preserve his own rectitude, and therefore it became an ideological foundation for practicing righteousness when the state faced peril. Thus his spirit of integrity that confronted injustice was inherited as practical moral learning, and it caused the Honam Sarim to rise resolutely and take the lead in the ranks of national salvation when the country was in difficulty, appearing in the Imjin War righteous armies, the righteous armies of the late Korean Empire, the Gwangju Student Independence Movement, and the May 18 Democratic Uprising.16
Literature (Munjang)
His literature carries the Way (道). The Way follows what heaven naturally ought to be, and writing (文) captures the form of the substance that realizes such a Way. Therefore, the fact that his literature has profound meaning means that his Way was that deep. Because his literature is the manifestation of the Way in this manner, scholars who wished to exalt the Way naturally followed his literature.17
Evaluations
Nujae Park Sang: When he was young, after seeing him, he said to people, "Since ancient times, there has been no prodigy who ended well, but this person alone will surely finish well." And indeed his words were borne out.
Jeolla Governor Jo Won-gi: When he was eight years old, Jeolla Governor Jo Won-gi heard rumors that he was a child prodigy, called him to the Jeonju provincial office, and exchanged verses with him; upon seeing his outstanding talent and high level of literary skill, he praised him, saying, "A prodigy of Jangseong, and a literary master of the world."
Bokjae Gi Jun: When he was nine years old, Gi Jun praised his character, saying, "Truly this child is a prodigy. You should become a minister of the Crown Prince's court." He also gave him a gift of a single brush called "Naesapil." He understood its meaning and always kept it carefully as a treasure. The crown prince that Bokjae mentioned at that time was King Injong, and in later days he became the teacher and minister of King Injong.
Mojae Kim An-guk: When he was ten years old, he visited Jeolla Governor Kim An-guk and studied the Xiaoxue. Kim An-guk saw him and said, "This is my young friend (少友)," and afterward always extolled him as a "man of the Three Dynasties (三代)," the ancient Xia, Shang, and Zhou periods of China.18
Sinjae Choe San-du: When he visited at eighteen and lectured on learning, Sinjae was deeply impressed with him and often praised him, saying, "Like clear water in autumn and a jar of ice (秋水 氷壺)—a clear jade jar holding ice in the autumn."
Toegye Yi Hwang: He remarked, "Among all those with whom I associated in my lifetime, only 'Haseo' was one person."
Songgang Jeong Cheol: He praised him, saying, "In the East there is no one who is upright in going forth and withdrawing, but this one alone is Damjae-ong" (湛齋, Haseo's pen name).
Yulgok Yi I: He said, "The uprightness of his going forth and withdrawing has no equal in Haedong (Korea)."
Sagye Kim Jang-saeng: Kim Haseo said, "His study of the classics was not only precise and thorough, but his integrity was also great."
Usan An Bang-jun: Haseo was praised as "clear water and lotus, light wind and clear moon after rain" (淸水芙蓉, 光風霽月. A lotus floating on clear water, the clear wind and moon after the rain has cleared).
Songcheon Yang Eung-jeong (梁應鼎): He said, "Hu-ji (Kim In-hu's courtesy name) is today's Yan Hui (顔子)."
Uam Song Si-yeol: In 1682, his tomb inscription said, "Among the people of our country, very few are found who excel in moral learning, integrity, and literature together; those who excel in one or two of these three are many, but Heaven aided our Eastern land and gave birth to this gentleman, who possessed all three." He praised him in this way.19
King Jeongjo: In 1796, in the royal edict for his enshrinement in the Munmyo, it was stated: "His scholarly attainments were extraordinarily excellent and his spirit was lofty; he was the first to clarify the subtle and profound meanings of the Daxue and the Seomyeong, and by making reverence a way of life, he inherited both the study of rectifying the mind and the orthodox lineage of moral learning; truly he may be called the great master of Confucianism."
King Jeongjo: In the same 1796 royal edict for enshrinement in the Munmyo, he was greatly praised: "Since the founding of Joseon, the only person who omitted none of moral learning, integrity, and literature is Haseo alone." "Haseo is the Lianxi of the East, and the Confucius of Honam."
His Neo-Confucianism theory has been established as a representative theory that led the Joseon Neo-Confucian circles of the 16th century; he stood at the center of the debates on principle (理) and material force (氣) and occupies a very important position in the history of Confucianism in our country.
As a mid-Joseon moral scholar, he was described in the historical evaluation that "in the south of Honam stood Kim In-hu, in the north Yi Hang, in Yeongnam Yi Hwang, in Chungcheong Cho Sik, and in Seoul Yi I," and this shows that his scholarly virtue was great and broad.
Later Sarim: Throughout his life, they revered his integrity toward King Injong and the uprightness of his going forth and withdrawing.
As understanding of Neo-Confucianism matured in the mid-Joseon period and the rule of the Sarim took root, he was a moral scholar who laid the ideological cornerstone of the development of Joseon society and was highly valued by later generations as a representative figure of practical intellect.20
Honors and Commemoration
1564 (19th year of King Myeongjong): Shrine built at Okgwa Yeonggwijeongsa and enshrined
1570 (3rd year of King Seonjo): Shrine built at Hwasansa in Sunchang and enshrined
1668 (9th year of King Hyeonjong): Posthumously awarded the title of Minister of Personnel and concurrently Grand Academician
1669 (10th year of King Hyeonjong): Posthumous name "Munjeong (文靖)" conferred. It is said, "'Munjeong' is the name for his broad learning in the Way, and 'Jeong (靖)' is the name for his tranquil and joyful peace."
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo): Posthumous name changed to "Munjeong (文正)". It is said, "'Munjeong' is the name for his broad learning in the Way, and 'Jeong (正)' is the name for ruling people by righteousness."
Every year on the middle Ding day (中丁日) of the second and eighth lunar months, the Spring Offering (春享祭) and Autumn Offering (秋享祭) are held at Pilam Seowon in Jangseong to honor his scholarship and virtue, attended by heads of institutions and social organizations, Confucian scholars, and residents.
Efforts to Honor His Memory (追崇 Chusung)
Family Record, Biography, and Epitaph Inscriptions
1561 (16th year of King Myeongjong): The "Family Record" (家狀) was written by Yang Ja-jing (梁子澂), also known as Goam (鼓巖).
1672 (13th year of King Hyeonjong): The "Biography" (行狀) was completed by Park Se-chae (朴世采), also known as Hyeonseok (玄石).
1675 (1st year of King Sukjong): The "Tomb Marker" (墓表) was completed by Kim Su-hang (金壽恒), also known as Mungok (文谷).
1682 (8th year of King Sukjong): The "Spirit Road Stele Inscription" (神道碑銘) was completed by Song Si-yeol (宋時烈), also known as Uam (尤菴).
1742 (18th year of King Yeongjo): The spirit road stele was erected. The inscription was written by Yi Jae (李縡), also known as Doam (陶菴), and the seal script was written by Kim Jin-sang (金鎭商), also known as Toeo (退漁).
1777 (1st year of King Jeongjo): The "Tomb Epitaph" (墓誌銘) was completed by Kim Jong-hu (金鍾厚), also known as Bonam (本庵).
Publication of Collected Works
1568 (1st year of King Seonjo), February: The early draft of the Hasseo Collection (河西集) was published. (The preface was written by his disciple Jo Hui-mun.)
1686 (12th year of King Sukjong), April: The intermediate edition of the Hasseo Collection (河西集) was published. (The preface was written by Song Si-yeol, and the postscript by Park Se-chae.)
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), September: A third intermediate edition of the Hasseo Collection (河西集) was ordered. (Compiled upon enshrinement in the Confucian shrine.)
1802 (2nd year of King Sunjo), May: The third edition of the Hasseo Collection (河西集) was published. (The postscript was written by Yi Jik-bo (李直甫), also known as Donam (돈암).)
Seowon Enshrinement and Royal Recognition
1564 (19th year of King Myeongjong): Scholars of Okgwa built the "Yeonggwijeongsa" (詠歸亭祠) shrine and conducted rites there.
1570 (3rd year of King Seonjo): Scholars of Sunchang built the "Hwasansa" (華山祠) shrine and conducted rites there.
1590 (23rd year of King Seonjo): Scholars of Honam built a seowon in Gisan-ri, Jangseong near his hometown and conducted rites there.
1597 (30th year of King Seonjo): The seowon was destroyed during the Jeongyu War.
1624 (2nd year of King Injo): Through the efforts of local Confucian scholars, led by Kim U-geup (金友伋), also known as Chudam (秋潭), the seowon was rebuilt in Jeungsan-dong (甑山洞), west of Gisan-ri (岐山里), after the war.
1659 (10th year of King Hyojong), March: The seowon's name plaque was designated as "Pilam (書院)".
1662 (3rd year of King Hyeonjong): Under the royal calligraphy of King Hyeonjong, the seowon was officially named Pilam Seowon (筆巖書院), and he was posthumously granted the titles of Minister of Personnel and Grand Academician, along with the posthumous name Munjeong (文靖). Yun Hyeong-gye (尹衡啓), a Royal Secretary of Rites, was sent as an envoy of rites to present a royal sacrificial offering. (The text of the sacrificial address was written by Shin Hyeong (申炯).)
1672 (13th year of King Hyeonjong), March: Due to public concern that the low-lying ground of Jeungsan-dong was at risk of flood damage, the seowon was moved to its present site in Haeta-ri (海打里), and the village was renamed Pilam-ri (筆岩里). The relocation was completed under the supervision of the head of the seowon, Song Jun-gil (宋浚吉), with the efforts of Yi Sil-ji (李實之, 1624–1702), also known as Namgye, Gi Jeong-yeon (奇挺然, 1627–?), and Park Seung-hwa (朴升華, great-grandson of Baek U-dang).
1786 (10th year of King Jeongjo), February: Yang Ja-jing, his disciple and son-in-law, also known as Goam (鼓巖), was enshrined alongside him at Pilam Seowon in Jangseong.
1827 (27th year of King Sunjo): At the public request of Confucian scholars of Sunchang, the "Eoam Seowon" (魚巖書院) was founded in Dunjeon-ri, Ssangchi-myeon, Sunchang County, to conduct rites for him. Yi I (李珥), also known as Yulgok, Jeong Cheol (鄭澈), also known as Songgang, and Kim Si-seo (金時敍), also known as Jayeondang, were enshrined alongside him.
Posthumous Honors (褒贈 Pojeung)
1668 (9th year of King Hyeonjong), April: Yi Dan-ha (李端夏) submitted a memorial describing his scholarship and integrity and requested posthumous honors, and he was posthumously awarded the titles of Minister of Personnel and Grand Academician.
1669 (10th year of King Hyeonjong), August: The posthumous name "Munjeong (文靖)" was conferred. This was because "his broad learning in the Way is called 'Mun (文)', and his tranquil and joyful peace is called 'Jeong (靖)'."
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), September 17: He was enshrined in the Confucian shrine. He was also posthumously awarded the titles of Grand Protector of the State, Senior Grand Master of Splendid Fortune, State Council Chief State Councillor concurrently Royal Lecture Office, Office of Special Advisers, Royal Secretariat, and Director of the Royal Astronomical Bureau of the Office of History, and ancestral rites without removal (不祧) were ordered.
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), October: The posthumous name was changed from "Munjeong (文靖)" to "Munjeong (文正)". It is said, "'Munjeong' is the name for his broad learning in the Way, and 'Jeong (正)' is the name for ruling people by righteousness."
Process of Enshrinement in the Confucian Shrine
In 1771 (47th year of King Yeongjo), Confucian scholars of Jeolla Province, led by Yang Hak-yeon (梁學淵), submitted a memorial requesting his enshrinement in the Confucian shrine (文廟).
In 1786 (10th year of King Jeongjo), in August, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Park Yeong-won (朴盈源), and in October, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Jeong Heon (鄭櫶), made petitions.
In 1789 (13th year of King Jeongjo), in April, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Shim Ik-hyeon (沈翼賢), and in August, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Shin Gwang-rye (申光禮), made petitions.
In 1790 (14th year of King Jeongjo), in March, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Yi Ak-gyeom (李岳謙), made petitions.
In 1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo): In June, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Yi Myeong-chae (李明彩); Confucian scholars outside officialdom, led by Kim Mu-sun (金懋淳); in the autumn of July, Confucian scholars from the three provinces of Gyeonggi, Hoseo, and Honam, led by Yi Jong-ho (李種祜); Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Chae Hong-sin (蔡弘臣); in August, Confucian scholars outside the capital, led by Jeong Dae-hyeon (鄭大賢); Confucian scholars outside the capital, led by Yi Gyu-nam (李奎南); and in September, state-school Confucian scholars, led by Shim Nae-yeong (沈來永), and state-school Confucian scholars, led by Yi Gwang-heon (李光憲), made petitions.
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), September 17: When state-school Confucian scholars, led by Hong Jun-won (洪準源), requested his enshrinement in the Confucian shrine, King Jeongjo approved it, saying that the late Munjeong Gong Kim In-hu was the "Zhou Dunyi (周子) of our Eastern lands" and could be regarded as the paragon of Confucian scholars and the orthodox root of the Way of learning.21
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), November 8: An envoy of rites was sent to offer wine at the shrine of the King of Literary Accomplishment (文宣王廟), after which the rite of enshrinement in the Confucian shrine was performed and a royal edict was proclaimed, stating that he was the "Haedong's Lianxi (濂溪, Zhou Dunyi) and the Confucius of Honam."22
Other
Kim In-hu is the only scholar from Honam to be enshrined in the Confucian shrine in the history of Joseon Confucian scholarship.23
In 2007, two special exhibitions and a Confucian exhibition were held at the National Gwangju Museum.24
Anecdotes (Legends)
In the collected works of Sangchon Shin Heum, the Sangchon Collection (象村集), it is recorded that some years after his death, a neighbor named "Oh Se-eok" (吳世億) suddenly stopped breathing, and after half a day he took a long breath, revived, and told his family: "I died and went to a place called Jamigung, where the Heavenly Emperor dwells. There, the one serving as the Jamisun star, Hasseo, was reading the register of the dead and said, 'This year your lifespan has not yet ended, and you have come here by mistake. I am Kim So-and-so (Kim In-hu), who lived next to you.' He then wrote a text on paper, which read: 'My name is Se-eok (世億), my courtesy name is Daenyeon (大年). I parted the clouds and came to the heavenly realm and sought the Jamisun star. When you reach the age of seventy-seven in the future, we shall meet again. Return to the world and do not carelessly spread these words.'" A man named Se-eok did not know Chinese characters, but he was able to pass this text on to the world.2526
Legend of Brush Rock (Pilam): A rock at the entrance of Maek-dong village in his hometown, Hwangnyong-myeon, is shaped like a brush. It is said that "Hasseo was born under the influence of this rock's energy." During the Joseon period, under King Yeongjo, the characters "筆巖" carved in the calligraphy of Yun Bong-gu, also known as Byeonggye, are engraved on it.27
In Unam-dong, Buk-gu, Gwangju Metropolitan City, within Children's Grand Park, there are his statue and nine works engraved, including the "Ink Bamboo Painting" (墨竹圖), for which he composed a poem on a painting by King Injong; the "Diagram of Heavenly Principle" (天命圖), which graphically summarizes his Neo-Confucian thought; and the classical Chinese poem "Ode to Nature" (自然歌).
This article includes content based on material from the Global World Encyclopedia distributed under the GFDL or CC-SA license by Daum Communications (now Kakao).
Footnotes
Footnotes
Noerjae Park Sang said of Kim In-hu upon seeing him, "Since ancient times, there has been no prodigy who ended well, but this one alone should finish well." ↩
Chanchan Song Sun once said together with Hyeongam Oh Gyeom, "When I looked at the Sinmyo year's examination register, there were consecutively listed Seong Un (Daegok) Seong Un, Seo Gyeong-deok (Hwadam), Kim In-hu (Hasseo), Baek In-gil (Hyuam), and Jeong Yu-gil (Imdang)." Oh Gyeom was greatly astonished and said, "How can there be so many worthy men in a single list?" ↩
The Toegye Eonhaengnok records that when Toegye was returning home, he wrote a "farewell poem" for him, saying, "You are the outstanding scholar of Yeongnam. Your literature is like Li Bai and Du Fu. Your calligraphy is like Wang Xizhi and Zhao Mengfu." Later Toegye said, "Having experienced the Gimyo purge, people all disliked and avoided learning, and passed their days in jest. But he alone freshly advanced as if washed clean, and his movements and speech all followed proper rules. Those who saw him pointed and laughed at him, and the only one who associated with him was 'Kim Hasseo.'" ↩
In our country, he was the first to be publicly known for wearing mourning hemp (加麻) for his teacher. ↩
The thirteen members of the Hoha Sugye Rok: Ganjae Choi Yeon, Sipseongdang Eom Heun, Chupa Song Gi-su, Songjae Na Se-chan, Gukgan Yun Hyeon, Jukgye Im Yeol, Jisan Yi Hwang, Geumho Im Hyeong-su, Ucham Kim Su, Sangdeokjae Jeong Yu-gil, Geupgojae Yi Hong-nam, Hohakjae Min Gi. ↩
Maekyeong Economist (2017.07.24.) [Shin Byung-ju's "Living as a Advisor to Joseon"] (13) The King-in-waiting's advisor, Kim In-hu, the pride of Honam Confucian scholars and the scholarly teacher of Injong. ↩
In August, he said that both of his parents were seventy years old and he wished to serve them to the end. ↩
[Lee Jong-beom's Honam Biographical Series] [36] The dream of a civilization of moral governance engraved on "Ink Bamboo Painting". Chosun Ilbo (2012.08.20). ↩
[Lee Jong-beom's Honam Biographical Series] [39] In a dark age, rejecting office and devoting himself to wine and study... Chosun Ilbo (2012.09.03). ↩
Also called the Jeongmi Sahwa (丁未士禍). At this time, Song In-su and Im Hyeong-su were executed, and more than twenty people, including Yi Eon-jeok, Noh Su-sin, Yu Hui-chun, and Baek In-gil, were exiled. In particular, Im Hyeong-su was an intimate friend and a member of the Sagadokseo program. He composed the sijo "Dosim Sawon Sakdanga" (도임사수 원사 작단가) to mourn his unjust death. ↩
In 1543, Chugam Jeong Ji-un wrote the Diagram of Heavenly Principle (天命圖); in 1548, Hasseo Kim In-hu wrote the Diagram of Heavenly Principle; in 1553, Toegye Yi Hwang wrote a revised edition of Jeong Ji-un's Diagram of Heavenly Principle. ↩
Memorial Address (祭文): On March 7 of the Gyeongsin year, junior disciple Gobong Gi Dae-seung respectfully presented wine and offerings before the portrait of the late Hasseo Seonsaeng and says: Alas, Master, has it come to this? Who will now grasp the subtle sacred words and who will awaken the junior students? It is too much. Our Way has declined! Who in the world could again be a master like you? I returned to my hometown due to illness, hoping to rely on you to remove my doubts and delusions, but who would have thought it would suddenly come to this? How can heaven be so untrustworthy? Alas! Since you are returning to Jintaek, the joy of companionship and the feelings of admiration and longing must end here. What am I to do? What am I to do? Respectfully offering a cup, I bid my final farewell with grief. Alas! How sad. ↩
Also, in his admonitions to his children, he said: "You must know that roots and branches are connected by one breath. How much diligence and hardship did we endure to establish this family tradition? You must advance in learning, cultivate yourselves, and surely continue this. Even craftsmen make their skills a family trade." ↩
Materials presented at the 3rd Seonbi Culture Jangseong Forum, 2007 (Prof. Oh Jong-il, Jeonbuk National University), "The Life and Scholarship of Kim In-hu," Sungkyunkwan Youth Confucian Association, Jeollanam-do branch (2007.09.27). Archived 2016-08-26 - Wayback Machine. ↩
Materials presented at the 3rd Seonbi Culture Jangseong Forum, 2007 (Prof. Oh Jong-il, Jeonbuk National University), "The Life and Scholarship of Kim In-hu," Sungkyunkwan Youth Confucian Association, Jeollanam-do branch (2007.09.27). Archived 2016-08-26 - Wayback Machine. ↩
Materials presented at the 3rd Seonbi Culture Jangseong Forum, 2007 (Prof. Oh Jong-il, Jeonbuk National University), "The Life and Scholarship of Kim In-hu," Sungkyunkwan Youth Confucian Association, Jeollanam-do branch (2007.09.27). Archived 2016-08-26 - Wayback Machine. ↩
Munhwa Ilbo (July 16, 2016) "A prodigy who composed poems on the spot at age six... declined office after the death of the beloved King Injong." ↩
"Kim In-hu's Spirit Road Stele Inscription" by Song Si-yeol (尤菴 宋時烈). ↩
Weekly Gongam Korea Policy Information Magazine (2017.02.24.) [Lee Dae-hyeon, adjunct professor, School of Media and Communication, Kookmin University] Our spiritual culture, "Eighteen Worthies of Korea." ↩
The Former Worthy Munjeong Gong is truly the Zhou Dunyi (周子) of our Eastern lands. If the Two Chengs, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi were first enshrined in the Confucius temple while Zhou Dunyi alone was left out of the ranks of enshrinement, would the hearts of the Two Chengs, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi be at peace? What you request today is the heart of Munjeong Gong Jo Gwang-jo, Munsun Gong Yi Hwang, Munseong Gong Yi I, and Munjeong Gong Song Si-yeol. The reason I delayed my approval until today was only to treat the matter with proper ceremony and exercise caution in the affair. But since the memorial has already been submitted three times, what more is there to hesitate about? I approve your request to enshrine the Former Worthy Munjeong Gong Kim In-hu in the shrine of the King of Literary Accomplishment (文宣王), and I order the officials of the Board of Rites to examine the precedents and carry it out on a chosen day. ↩
[Edict on Enshrinement in the Confucian Shrine] (文宣從祀敎書): You are the Lianxi (濂溪, Zhou Dunyi) of Haedong and the Confucius of Honam (湖南). Your deep insight into nature and destiny and yin and yang reached the level of the Taiji Diagram, and in the essentials of investigating things and extending knowledge, and making intentions sincere and rectifying the mind, you first devoted yourself to the Xiaoxue. In expressing your intent through poetry, you alone were praised among heaven and earth as the equal of two people (Confucius and Zhu Xi). In investigating principles and exploring origins, you once wrote the Yixiang Pian (易象篇), and its various theories were outstanding. Pursuing the great meaning on your own, you attained understanding through yourself, and you decisively rejected the mistaken logic of various scholars who argued that Dao and qi were mixed as one; your arguments on the Four Beginnings and Seven Emotions of principle (理) and qi (氣) dispelled the doubts of your comrades. The firm, upright, and dignified character accumulated within you was like pine and cypress in the harsh winter; the bright, gentle, and pure bearing revealed outwardly was like a lotus on clear water. You nearly reached the level of a sage, and truly you can be called a man of the Three Dynasties. Fortunately, you encountered the era of the Hyoreung (孝陵, King Injong), where you had hoped to accomplish great things, and you witnessed a pure Confucian minister display the beautiful virtue he held within. The Crown Prince deeply trusted you and had already given you a painting containing his intent, and he came to the office where you were on night duty and conversed with you, often opening his heart to you apart from ordinary lectures. As a minister who assisted the ruler, your silent harmony of heart was like that of King Gaozong of Shang obtaining Fu Yue, and your voluntary assumption of responsibility for the ruler and the people was like Yi Yin meeting Cheng Tang. ↩
Kim Kyung-ho (March 2018). "Sixteenth-Century Honam Confucianism Viewed Through Networks of Marriage." Yeongnamhak64: pp. 39–68. doi:10.36034/yncdoi.2018..64.39. ↩
[[Gwangju] Hasseo Kim In-hu and Pilam Seowon: Special Exhibition on the Spirit of the Honam Seonbi] DailyIan (2007.09.18). ↩
Heo Gyun's Seongso Bubugo (惺所覆瓿藁) and Hangsan Chodam (鶴山樵談), as well as Yi Geung-ik's Yeonryeo Silgisul (연려실기술), record the name as "Oh Se-eok" (吳世億). After reviving, Se-eok told the story to Sojae Sang-gong Noh Su-sin (盧守愼), and afterwards "Oh Se-eok" indeed ended his life at the age of seventy-seven. ↩
Seoul Shinmun (2017.04.09) [Baek Seung-jong's History Walk] Kim In-hu met on the road to the afterlife. ↩
Kim In-hu (金麟厚, 1510–1560) was a civil official and Neo-Confucian scholar of the mid-Joseon period. His family seat was Ulsan (蔚山), his courtesy name was Huzhi (厚之), his pen names were Hasŏ (河西) and Damjae (湛齋), and his posthumous name was Munjeong (文正). He is one of the Eighteen Worthies of Haedong enshrined in the Munmyo.
Main career
In 1510 (the 5th year of King Jungjong's reign), he was born in Daemaek-dong, Jangseong, Jeolla Province, to Kim Ryeong, a Chambong (Reclusive Official) of the Uireung tomb, and his mother of the Okcheon Jo clan. From childhood he showed intelligence and talent in poetry and prose, and his name became widely known. At the age of ten, he studied the Xiaoxue under Kim An-guk, whose style name was Jaesa.
In 1528 (the 23rd year of King Jungjong's reign), he entered Sungkyunkwan to study, and in 1531 he passed the Samasi examination. In 1533, at Sungkyunkwan, he met Yi Hwang (李滉), who was known as Toegye, and they studied together. In 1540 he passed the special Munkwa examination and was appointed Gwonji Seungmunwon Bujeongja. The following year he entered the Hodang (Lake Hall) to undertake sadok seoyu (a period of scholarly leave), and he became Jeojak of the Hongmungwan.
In 1543 he became Hongmungwan Bakse and concurrently Seriwon Seolseo, serving the crown prince and taking on the duty of instructing and attending him. In June he was promoted to Hongmungwan Bu-sujan and concurrently Gyeongyeon Gomtojgwan, and he submitted a chaja (memorial) setting forth the grievances of the worthies who had been put to death in the Gimyo Purge, thereby carrying out his duties as a civil official. When the rehabilitation of the Gimyo Myeonghyeon (Gimyo worthies) was not achieved, he requested in December of that year to be assigned to a post near his aging parents, and he went out to serve as magistrate of Okgwa hyeon.
In 1544, after King Jungjong died, he came up to Seoul in May of the following year as Jesulgwan (Drafting Official). In July 1545, King Injong suddenly died, and the Eulsa Purge followed soon after. He cited illness, resigned, and returned to his hometown of Jangseong, where he devoted himself to the study of Neo-Confucianism.
His Neo-Confucian theory occupies an important position in the history of Korean Confucianism. On the Taiji–yin-yang theory, which had become a point of controversy between Yi Hang and Gi Dae-seung, he argued that since principle (理) and material force (氣) are mixed, the Supreme Ultimate cannot be said to exist apart from yin and yang; yet because the distinction between the Way (道) and the vessel (器) is clear, the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang cannot be called one thing. By this he opposed Yi Hang's theory that the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang are one thing (太極陰陽一物說). He also argued that the human mind (人心) and the Way-mind (道心) both refer to the place where they move, and this had a deep influence on the later formation of Gi Dae-seung's theory of the primacy of emotion (主情說).
In cultivation theory, he took sincerity and reverence (誠敬) as his main aim. In his discussion with No Su-sin on the Sugheung yamae-jam hae (Commentary on the Admonition on Rising Early and Sleeping Late), he criticized No Su-sin's view that the mind governs the whole person. He held that although the mind does govern the whole person, when qi (氣) is mixed in and the mind is lost outwardly, the governing agent is lost; therefore, through reverence (敬) one must set it right, so that the mind can once again govern the whole person. This is his theory of reverence as the principal (主敬說). He was also well versed in astronomy, geography, medicine, mathematics, and music theory and calendrical science.
He was skilled in poetry and prose and left behind more than ten volumes of collected writings, while his works on the Way of learning (道學) were lost and little has survived. His writings include the Hasŏjip, the Juyeok gwansang-pyeon, the Seomyeong sacheondo, and the Baekryeon chohae.
Kim In-hu was a descendant of Kim Deok-ji (Kim Deok-ji), Prince Hakseong Buwongun, the second son of King Gyeongsun of Silla Kim Bu (金傳). His fifth-generation ancestor Kim On (金穩) was enfeoffed as Heungnyeogun (興麗君) as a Merit Subject of Joseon's founding and Wonjong and was enshrined at Haknimsa Temple in Jangseong. His wife, Lady Jeong of the Yeoheung Min clan, was a cousin of Queen Wongyeong, the queen of King Taejong. When her natal family was caught up in the power struggles that strengthened King Taejong's royal authority and suffered disaster, she took her three sons and settled in Daemaek-dong of Hwangnyong-myeon, Jangseong County, Jeolla Province, in despair. From then on, his descendants became people of Jangseong.
On the 19th day of the 7th month of 1510 (the 5th year of King Jungjong), he was born as the eldest of one son and one daughter to his father, Kim Ryeong (金齡), Uireung Chambong (Court Official of the Uireung Tomb), and his mother, a daughter of Jo Jeok (趙勣), Eumseum Hundo (Instructor of Eumseum), of the Okcheon Jo clan, in Daemaek-dong of Hwangnyong-myeon, Jangseong County, Jeolla Province. His innate character was pure and sincere, his appearance was dignified, and his spirit and magnanimity were broad and generous, so his father, Chambong, loved him all the more.
유년기와 소년기
From around the ages of five or six, he already understood written characters and composed poems, astonishing the people around him. In 1514 (the 9th year of King Jungjong), at the age of five, when his father Chambong was teaching him the Thousand Character Classic, he only watched closely and did not answer questions. Chambong became angry and said, "Having a child like this, he must be mute. Our family is in a sorry state." Before long, he dipped his finger in saliva and wrote on the wall, and all the characters were ones from the Thousand Character Classic. Only then did Chambong consider him remarkable. Also, once while composing a poem with an acquaintance, he produced the line, "In the vast and distant universe, a great person lives." One day, he took a fresh pear in his hand and peeled it layer by layer from the outer skin, continuing until he reached the core. When Chambong saw this, he thought it was a prank and scolded him. He replied, "I did it to observe the principle of growth."
In 1515 (the 10th year of King Jungjong), at the age of six, he looked at the full moon of the first month and composed a poem titled "Sangwonseok" (上元夕). Also, when a guest came and pointed to the sky and asked him to compose a poem with the character for "sky" (天) as the theme, he immediately answered: "Its form is round, vast and faint, boundless and empty, it encircles the edges of the earth. In the middle of its covering, all things are contained; why did the people of Qi worry it would collapse?" The people around him were all amazed and considered him exceptional.
In 1517 (the 12th year of King Jungjong), at the age of eight, Jo Won-gi (趙元紀), the uncle of Jeongam Jo Gwang-jo, who was then Governor of Jeolla Province, saw him, considered him remarkable, and composed poems with him. Seeing his outstanding talent and high level of literary skill, he praised him as "The Child Prodigy of Jangseong, the Finest Writer Under Heaven" (長城神童 天下文章).
In 1518 (the 13th year of King Jungjong), at the age of nine, Gi Jun (奇遵), styled Bokjae, came down to the southern countryside, heard his name, summoned him, and praised him, saying, "Truly a remarkable child. He should become a subject of our Crown Prince." He also gave him a gift of one brush of the "Naesapil" (內賜筆). He understood its meaning and always kept it carefully as a treasure.
혼인과 가정 생활
In 1523 (the 18th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 14, he married a daughter of Yun Im-hyeong (尹任衡), Magistrate of Jinan, of the Yeoheung Yun clan (驪興 尹氏). In 1524, the following year, his eldest son Jong-ryong (從龍) was born, and afterward he had four daughters. In 1532 (the 27th year of King Jungjong), his grandfather, Hundo-gong, passed away. In 1537 (the 32nd year of King Jungjong), his second son Jong-ho (從虎) was born.
In the 10th month of 1549 (the 4th year of King Myeongjong), he suffered the loss of his father and buried him on Mount Wondang to the west of the family home in Maek-dong, Jangseong. The epitaph was written by Song Sun of Myeonangjeong. For three years, he built a mourning hut beside his deceased father Chambong's grave and lived there. He named the hut's inner room plaque "Damjae" (湛齋) and used it as his pen name. In the 6th month of 1551 (the 6th year of King Myeongjong), while still in mourning for his father, he suffered the loss of his mother as well, and buried her on the left side of Chambong's grave.
수학
In 1519 (the 14th year of King Jungjong), at the age of ten, he visited Kim An-guk (金安國), styled Mojae, who was then at the Jeolla Province governor's post, and studied the Xiaoxue. Mojae considered him remarkable and said, "He is my little friend." He also called him "a person of the three generations" (三代의 人物), referring to the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties.
In 1522 (the 17th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 13, he, who was already skilled at composing poetry, considered the saying "Without learning the Odes, one cannot stand" (不學詩無以立) as a teaching of the sages, and avidly read the Book of Odes (詩經).
In 1525 (the 20th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 16, a diary of Seopo Gwak Yeol (郭說) recorded that "Haseo was intelligent and precocious, and by the age of fifteen or sixteen his name filled the entire province. When my father (Gwak Hui-yeong) went to Honam and read at Yeongeunsa Temple, Haseo also came and stayed at that temple to read the Han Wen (韓文). After a few days, Haseo said he was going back, so my late father asked, 'Have you really finished reading the Han Wen in just a few days?' Haseo smiled and said, 'I have roughly grasped it and am able to recite it.' My father then pulled out one volume and asked him questions; he had mastered every passage, as if he had memorized it long ago. So my father randomly pulled out other volumes to test him, and there was nothing he did not know, and my father was greatly amazed." This was recorded.
In 1526 (the 21st year of King Jungjong), at the age of 17, around this time he visited Song Sun (宋純) of Myeonangjeong in Damyang, studied under him, and continued to visit and pay his respects regularly thereafter.
In 1527 (the 22nd year of King Jungjong), at the age of 18, during the Gimyo Purge, he visited Choe San-du (崔山斗), styled Sinjae, who was in exile at Dongbok in Hwasun, and discussed scholarship with him. Sinjae was impressed by him and always called him "a jar of ice in autumn water" (秋水氷壺). Also around this time, he visited Park Sang (朴祥), styled Nujae, who had been demoted to Magistrate of Naju, had resigned due to illness, and was living in his hometown of Gwangju Seochang, and broadened the scope of his learning.1
학문 연구와 학맥
From childhood he was skilled at poetry and prose, and his fame spread throughout the land. He was cherished by the Gimyo Sarim figures Jo Won-gi, Gi Jun, Song Sun, Park Sang, and others, and he studied under Kim An-guk and Choe San-du, who were deeply versed in Neo-Confucianism. They were figures who suffered disaster in the Gimyo year (1519), which shows that he was by no means unconnected to the Gimyo Purge.
Furthermore, his teacher Kim An-guk studied together with Jo Gwang-jo under Kim Gwang-pil. This lineage flowed down as "Jeong Mong-ju–Kil Jae–Kim Suk-ja–Kim Jong-jik–Kim Gwang-pil–Kim An-guk," and as a direct figure who inherited the orthodox transmission of Joseon Neo-Confucianism, he was a direct heir of this orthodox line. Therefore, with respect to Jo Gwang-jo, he was in the relationship of a nephew-disciple (sasukjil), practically a brother of his teacher's generation. In this way, he became a figure who inherited the orthodox transmission of Neo-Confucianism, and was a model of scholarship and virtue for later Sarim.
Thus, even after Jo Gwang-jo, Kim Jeong, and other Gimyo Sarim suffered disaster, he had no choice but to follow their path of self-governing principles, and he could not help but take on their difficult legacy head-on. Afterward, as the first literary official to do so, he presented to King Jungjong, who had executed Jo Gwang-jo and other Gimyo Sarim, the wrongs of the Gimyo Purge, and requested the restoration of the reputations of those who had been sacrificed without cause. This was something that could not be done without being prepared to die, and it arose from a sense of duty rooted in the orthodox transmission.
In the spring of 1528 (the 23rd year of King Jungjong), at the age of 19, he went up to the capital, entered Sungkyunkwan, and took the examination held for scholars to commemorate the Qixi (七夕) festival on the seventh day of the seventh month, and he took first place. Yi Haeng (李荇), Grand Academician of the Hongmungwan, considered him remarkable and said that both his person and his writing were jade. However, suspecting that he might have had someone else do the work, he kept him at Sungkyunkwan and set seven themes for an examination. He completed all of them on the spot and handed in the scrolls, and the artistry of his poetry and prose was all outstanding, so Yi Haeng was greatly amazed. Among these, "Yeombu" and "Yeongheobu" are in his collected works. The scroll he wrote at that time, the Qixi Bu (七夕賦), became a topic of conversation among people.
In 1531 (the 26th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 22, he passed the Samasi at Sungkyunkwan and became a Jinsa. His fellow successful candidates of the same examination (dongbang) included Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok, Daegok Seong Un, Hyuam Baek In-gul, Limdang Jeong Yu-gil, Geumho Im Hyeong-su, and others.2 The following year, his grandfather Hundo-gong (訓導公) passed away.
In 1533 (the 28th year of King Jungjong), he met Toegye Yi Hwang at Sungkyunkwan, formed a friendship, and studied together. Not long after the Gimyo Purge, scholars neglected learning and were reluctant to speak of the Way of learning, but upon meeting Toegye once, they found deep agreement in purpose, and through continuous discussion and research, they helped each other cultivate learning and virtue, and this bore fruit. Later, Toegye recalled, "Among those with whom I associated, there was only one person, 'Haseo.'" Showing such a deep friendship with him. Not long after, when Toegye was about to return to his hometown, he wrote a "Farewell Poem" (贈別詩) as a keepsake.3 In this way, while at Sungkyunkwan, he met many talented men, including Yi Hwang, Hyuam Baek In-gul, Limdang Jeong Yu-gil, Geumho Im Hyeong-su, and Miam Yu Hui-chun.
In 1536 (the 31st year of King Jungjong), at Sungkyunkwan, he heard of the death of his teacher, Choe San-du (Sinjae), and wore mourning clothes, tied a hemp headband, and mourned his teacher's death. On the anniversary of his death, he held a memorial ritual (chije).4
In the 4th month of summer in 1539 (the 34th year of King Jungjong), the Ministry of Rites reported, "Since the Chinese envoys are said to be skilled at composing poetry, we have already selected many secretaries (jesulgwan), but would it be appropriate to select Kim In-hu and others, who gained great fame in the Sungkyunkwan examinations, to prepare for this?" The king ordered that it be done.
In the 2nd month of spring in 1543 (the 38th year of King Jungjong), he heard of the death of his teacher Kim An-guk (Mojae), wore mourning clothes, and afterward held a memorial ritual (chije) on the anniversary of his death. His elegiac poem to honor his teacher, "Manyeo (輓詞)," has been passed down in his collected works.
관료 생활
In the 10th month of winter in 1540 (the 35th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 31, he passed the special civil service examination in the lower rank of the literary division and was appointed as Junior Secretary of the Gwonji Seungmunwon (權知承文院 副正字).
In the 4th month of summer in 1541 (the 36th year of King Jungjong), he entered the Hodang (湖堂) and engaged in Sagadoseo (賜暇讀書, a system of study leave). Together with the twelve others selected at the same time, he cultivated a fellowship (契) and named its record "Hodang Sugye Rok" (湖堂修契錄). His academic exchanges with these men were especially close.5 In the 10th month of winter, he was appointed Junior Compiler of the Hongmungwan, concurrently Gyeongyeon Jeongyeong, Chunchugwan Gisagwan (Historian of the Chunchugwan).
In the 7th month of autumn in 1542 (the 37th year of King Jungjong), he was promoted to Jeojak of the Hongmungwan, a position belonging to the cheongyojik (clean and prestigious posts) reserved for people of high learning and reputation.
In the 1st month of 1543 (the 38th year of King Jungjong), a fire broke out in the Crown Prince's palace, burning the inner quarters to ashes, and as the court debated who had set the fire, the entire country was in turmoil.
In the 4th month of summer that year, he was promoted to Hongmungwan Baksa concurrently Seryeong (Secretary) of the Sejasigwonwon (世子侍講院). At that time, King Injong was cultivating virtue in the Chungung (春宮, the crown prince's palace), and he entrusted the responsibility for the Crown Prince's education entirely to him. The Crown Prince deeply recognized his learning and moral excellence, and with sincere heart and reverent courtesy often held audiences with him. He, too, thought that the Crown Prince's virtue surpassed all ages and that he might later realize the governance of the era of Yao and Shun, and he guided him with utmost sincerity, and their mutual understanding grew deeper each day. When he was on duty, the Crown Prince sometimes came out in person and discussed the difficult affairs of the state, and they did not end until late at night.
Furthermore, the Crown Prince, who was naturally skilled in the arts but had never shown his talents to anyone, presented him alone with a bamboo painting "Mukjuk" (墨竹) that he had drawn with his own hand, to convey his intention. He also ordered him to write a poem on the painting scroll, and the poem was as follows:
Roots, branches, leaves, and joints are all delicate and refined,
Hard stone, like a friend, is contained within the frame.
Our sacred king pairs with the harmony of creation,
Unified with heaven and earth, and without deviation.
This was the highest kindness a future king could show. Afterward, his favor toward him was exceptional, to the point that he even bestowed upon him a complete set of the Zhuzi Daquan. The trust and consideration that King Injong showed him took firm and deep root as loyalty, and this anecdote was widely recounted for generations as a model of the relationship between ruler and subject.6
기묘 명현의 신원 복원
In the 6th month of summer in 1543 (the 38th year of King Jungjong), at the age of 34, he was promoted to Hongmungwan Bu-sujan, concurrently Jipgyo (Drafting Official) and Gyeongyeon Geomto-gwan (Reviewing Official of the Royal Lectures). In the 7th month, at a daytime lecture (jugang), when discussing affairs of state, he alone resolutely submitted a memorial to King Jungjong expounding the Way of self-cultivation and self-reflection. Its outline was as follows:
"The old political climate that rejects upright scholars as the group of the Xiaoxue is widespread; the order and customs of the court must be corrected. The people sacrificed in the Gimyo year may have committed errors for a time, but their original intentions were not the slightest deception of the state, yet they were burdened with heavy punishment. Afterward, among those who committed crimes, there were some who, though guilty of great treason (大逆不道) even after death, were reinstated after a long time, yet the people of the Gimyo year still did not receive the king's grace. I alone consider this to be unjust. Moreover, the Xiaoxue and Hyangyak (鄕約), which the people of the Gimyo year revered, have been discarded and are no longer used. The Xiaoxue and Hyangyak are writings of the sages, yet today's scholars, mired in customs, discard them as books not to be read. I consider this deeply unjust." He pointed out these matters, and his words were very earnest and urgent.
Although more than twenty years had passed since the Gimyo year, the court and the countryside still feared and dreaded that era and dared not even mention it. As the first literary official to present a proposal for the restoration of the reputations of the Gimyo Martyrs, this was something that could not be done alone without being prepared to die, and it can be said to have arisen from a sense of duty rooted in the orthodox transmission.7 With this as the occasion, the mouths of the Sarim began to open. However, King Jungjong did not permit the restoration of the reputations of the Gimyo Martyrs, and only permitted the withdrawal of the Xiaoxue and Hyangyak, which he had ordered to be abolished.
In 1543 (the 38th year of King Jungjong), unable to achieve the restoration of the reputations of the Gimyo Martyrs, he could no longer endure this situation. Requesting leave (gyeolyang) to care for his aged parents,8 in the 12th month of winter he was appointed Magistrate of Okgwa, near his hometown, while retaining his concurrent post as Chunchugwan official.9 At that time, he studied and exchanged letters with Song In-su (宋麟壽), styled Gyuam (圭庵), who had come to serve as Honam Governor, and their friendship was very close.
인종 즉위 및 제술관
In the 11th month of 1544 (the 39th year of King Jungjong), King Jungjong died, and in the 4th month of summer in 1545 (the 1st year of King Injong), the Chinese envoy Zhang Chengxian (張承憲) came to offer condolences for the royal mourning, and the court summoned him as a secretary (jesulgwan) to attend.
Thereupon, the court, anticipating an era of great peace, gathered scholars from across the country, and all of them wished to entrust him with guiding King Injong in the royal lectures. However, knowing that the currents of the age would unfold in an anti-Sarim direction, he no longer wished to remain at court.
In the meantime, seeing that King Injong was frequently unwell, he requested to take part in the preparation of medicines, but was refused by the Yakwon (the royal medical office) on the grounds that it was not his duty. Citing his parents' illness, he returned to his original post.
사직과 은거
In the 7th month of autumn in 1545 (the 1st year of King Injong), at the age of 36, upon hearing that King Injong had suddenly died, he wept loudly as if he no longer wished to live, and suffered a severe heart attack. He fainted and then revived, and at last resigned due to illness, returned to his hometown of Jangseong, cut off any desire to serve again, and lived in seclusion in the mountains and forests, pouring out his grief through wine and poetry.10 Soon after, the Eulsa Purge (乙巳士禍) broke out. Afterward, he consistently lived by upholding the "integrity" of not serving two kings.
인종에 대한 절의
After the Eulsa year of 1545, every year around the time when summer turned to autumn, he stopped writing, did not meet guests, spent his days in melancholy, and never once walked outside his gate. Also, on the 1st day of the 7th lunar month, the death anniversary of King Injong, he took wine into the "Nansan" (卵山) in front of his house, wailed and cried out in grief, and stayed through the night before descending. He never missed this once in his life, and remained steadfast in it. Also, with the desolate feelings of mourning and longing for King Injong, he composed the poems "Yusosa" (有所思) and "Josinsaengsa" (吊申生辭).
[Yusosa (有所思)]
When my lord was approaching thirty, I was thirty-six.
We had not yet enjoyed even half of our newlywed sweetness, and you departed like an arrow leaving the string, my lord.
My heart is a stone that will not roll; though worldly affairs flow like a flowing stream, I should forget them.
Having lost you, my companion for life in the prime of youth, my eyes have dimmed, my teeth have fallen, and my hair has turned white.
How many springs and autumns have I lived in grief? Yet I have not died and still remain alive.
The white sand lies by the old waterside, and every year ferns sprout on the southern mountain.
Still, it is like the sorrowful separation of the Zhou king's consort; there is at least the hope of reunion.
In the spring of 1547 (the 2nd year of King Myeongjong), he was appointed Seongyungwan Jeonjeok (Secretary of Sungkyunkwan), but did not take up the post. In autumn, he was appointed Jeonggyo-jeong of the Gongjo (Ministry of Works), and while traveling after being summoned, he resigned due to illness and returned. He was also appointed Jeollado-sa (Provincial Official of Jeolla), but was immediately removed from office.
On the day after his removal, the 18th, the "Yangjae Station Wall Inscription Incident" (양재역 벽서사건) occurred, and Sarim figures were executed or exiled. These men were his ideological comrades and close friends, and he deeply grieved their deaths.11
In the summer and autumn of 1549 (the 4th year of King Myeongjong), he was appointed Jeonjeok of Sungkyunkwan, but did not take up the post. In the 10th month, he suffered the loss of his father Chambong, who had been residing in Sunchang, and in the 12th month buried him in Wondang-gol of the Jangseong home. After building a mourning hut beside the grave and living there, in the 6th month of 1551 (the 6th year of King Myeongjong) he suffered the loss of his mother as well, and buried her on the left side of Chambong's grave.
In the 7th month of 1553 (the 8th year of King Myeongjong), he was appointed Jeonjeok of Sungkyunkwan, but did not proceed to the post. In the 9th month, he was appointed Hongmungwan Gyori, concurrently Jipgyo, Gyeongyeon Sidoggwan, Chunchugwan Gijugwan, and when he set out on the road in response to the summons, he fell ill, and he submitted a memorial requesting resignation and returned. In the 11th month of winter, he was appointed Chikgang of Sungkyunkwan, but as his illness was grave and he could not endure it, he earnestly petitioned about his condition and did not proceed.
In the 9th month of late autumn in 1554 (the 9th year of King Myeongjong), he was again appointed Chikgang of Sungkyunkwan, but declined by submitting a memorial. In the 10th month, King Myeongjong issued a special order to the governor of his province, saying, "Let him be provided with food and medicine, and when he recovers, let him come up by relay horse," but he again declined in writing. In this way, he did not answer the court's summons on the pretext of illness and maintained his integrity toward King Injong.
In the 12th month of 1555 (the 10th year of King Myeongjong), Chamchanggwan Park Min-heon said, "As a lecture official, men like me do not well understand the texts in the Book of Documents. We must seek out the Confucian scholars Yi Hwang and Kim In-hu and discuss with them morning and evening, and then we will understand the principles." He argued that if they were summoned to attend the lectures, they would have the merit of guiding the court.
The historian (sagwan) wrote: "Kim In-hu had talent and conduct, yet he did not concern himself with advancement in office. He loved reading and was good at writing. He wore tattered clothes and ate coarse food with equanimity, and in his later years he loved Neo-Confucianism, studying it precisely and reflecting deeply. Although he was summoned many times, he did not come out, citing frequent illness. Even if forced to come up, if he were made to attend the discussions and lectures, he would have the merit of guiding the court." However, the court did not employ the Confucian scholars Yi Hwang, Kim In-hu, and others in positions to discuss and debate affairs of state, and caused them to retire to the countryside. Was this not truly a grievous error of government?
After the Eulsa Purge, he withdrew into seclusion, and once he had recovered his strength, he devoted himself wholly to the study of Neo-Confucianism, inquiring without rest and striving step by step to put it into practice, so that in his later years his scholarship became ever more refined and deep. Moreover, the basic direction of his learning lay in practicing righteousness. This was a characteristic of the scholarship of Joseon's Confucian moralists and was also the purpose of studying Neo-Confucianism. Thus, his Neo-Confucianism theory became established as a representative theory that led the Joseon Neo-Confucian world of the 16th century, and he stood at the center of the debate on principle (li) and material force (qi), occupying a very important position in the history of Korean Confucianism.
In 1547 (the 2nd year of King Myeongjong), at this time, Chinese scholarship had greatly collapsed, and many revered Lu Xiangshan and Wang Yangming, and few truly knew Zhu Xi. Therefore, the master composed a poem and presented it to his disciple Gi Hyo-gan as follows:
Between heaven and earth there are two persons: Zhongni (仲尼, Confucius) is the primordial qi, and Ziçyang (紫陽, Zhu Xi) is the truth.
Above all, concentrate your mind deeply and do not go down other paths; please gladden this one old and worn-out body.
In this way, he generally thought that since the emergence of writing, the many sages had established standards, but when their decline arrived, without Confucius the way of the many sages would not have been transmitted; and after Confucius, many worthies inherited the tradition, but when it grew dim, without Zhu Xi the way of Confucius would not have been made clear. He held that the undertakings and merits of the two masters, Confucius and Zhu Xi, stand lofty and radiant between heaven and earth, and that the many sages and worthies could not surpass them. Therefore, he expressed this in lyrics and poems to open the way for later students, and the general scope of his understanding can be seen in this poem.
At this time, Yi Ji-nam (李至男), styled Yeong-eung, came to study with him for several years. Once he wished to study the Chu Ci (楚辭), and he, while reading it, could not finish and was unable to contain his sorrow, so he wrote a poem for him, as follows:
Jade-like in color, fragrant as orchids, a character fitting for his household; in a thatched hut beyond the bamboo grove he studies the Lisao.
Why must one gallop after the words of the Feng and Ya? The three hundred poems of the Zhou are truly peaceful and harmonious.
In general, after the Eulsa year, he always wept in sorrow in his daily life, as if a destitute man had no place to return to, and much of what appeared in his singing and chanting was like this.
In the 2nd month of spring in 1549 (the 4th year of King Myeongjong), while living in seclusion at Jeomam village in Ssangchi-myeon, Sunchang, he obtained the "Lectures on the Great Learning" (대학 강의) from the Zhuzi Daquan and wrote a postscript to the "Lectures on the Great Learning." Also around that time, the attention of Neo-Confucian scholars was focused on the Cheonmyeongdo (天命圖, Diagram of the Heavenly Mandate). Jeong Ji-un (鄭之雲), styled Chuman, completed a Cheonmyeongdo that expressed "the Four Beginnings arise from principle, and the Seven Feelings arise from material force," diagramming it and attaching an explanation. When he received it, he thoroughly revised and supplemented it, and drew a Cheonmyeongdo that presented profound insight into the essential nature of human nature, greatly contributing to the development of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.
Toegye Yi Hwang also actively took part in this discussion, and Yi Hwang, too, deeply respected the precision of his opinions and explanations upon reading his writings on Confucian moral learning.12 These profound discussions became the ideological background for the later "Debate on the Four and Seven" (四七 論辯, the debate between Yi Hwang and Gi Dae-seung on the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings) between Yi Hwang and Gi Dae-seung.
In 1552 (the 7th year of King Myeongjong), Yang San-bo (梁山甫) composed a long work, the "Hyobu" (孝賦). He had earlier composed a text following the poetic rhythm, and Song Sun directly organized his thoughts and wrote a critique after the original text. It is included in his collected works.
In 1556 (the 11th year of King Myeongjong), Seo Gyeong-deok (徐敬德), styled Hwadam, was held in esteem as the leader of "the study of the mind" (心學), and he had once composed the poem "Reading the Zhou Yi" (讀周易詩). Upon reading this poem, he responded by rhyming, "The words of the sages are the way of heaven and earth, and cannot be called spiritual." This was because Seo Hwadam's manner of guiding those who studied was feared to lead them, without passing through a gradual process and neglecting the study of lower learning, toward the shortcut of seeking sudden enlightenment. Deeply concerned about this, he finally replied to his poem to correct it.
In the summer of the fifth month, Confucian scholar An Seo-sun (安瑞順) of Musan county, together with Jeong Ryun (鄭倫) and Kim Eung-jeong (金應貞), submitted a memorial that stated the grievances of the eminent scholars who had been falsely accused in the Eulsa year. Yun Won-hyeong had An Seo-sun and Jeong Ryun of Naju executed by beheading for conspiring to shield traitors, and confiscated their family property. Jin-sa Kim Eung-jeong was exiled to a distant place on the grounds that he had written the petition. Moreover, Yun Won-hyeong was determined to implicate Kim In-hu and bring disaster upon the Sarim scholars, but his aims were not achieved.
In 1557 (the 12th year of Myeongjong), he pondered the profound meanings of texts such as the Taegeuk-do seol (太極圖說) and the Seomyeong (西銘), reading them more than a thousand times. At this time he composed the Juyeok gwansang-pyeon (周易觀象篇) and the Seomyeong sacheon-do (西銘事天圖), and he also showed his students in writing: "The diagrams and explanations of Lianxi (Zhou Dunyi) are precise in principle, its sentences are concise yet its meaning is complete; Zhang Zai's Ming (Western Inscription) is broad in scope, neither floating nor leaking. If one is of superior intellect, one should first apply effort from the Supreme Ultimate (Taegeuk); if not, one should understand the Seomyeong and then arrive at the Supreme Ultimate. The Supreme Ultimate is the root of virtuous nature, and the Seomyeong is the norm of learning; in short, neither should be neglected." The Seomyeong sacheon-do and the Taegeuk-do seol were lost and have not been transmitted to the world.
In the 13th year of Myeongjong (1558), in the seventh month, Go-bong Gi Dae-seung (奇大升), on his way to Seoul to take the civil service examination, came to visit him and discussed the Taegeuk-do seol. In the tenth month, Gi Dae-seung passed the civil service examination; in the eleventh month of that year, after obtaining leave and returning home, Gi Dae-seung stopped at the home of Ilje Yi Hang (李恒) and re-lectured on the Taegeuk-do seol that they had previously discussed. Yi Hang argued that "the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang are one thing," while Gi Dae-seung argued otherwise; they debated throughout the day without reaching a conclusion. Thereupon Gi Dae-seung visited him and asked which view was right and which wrong, and he said that Gi Dae-seung's opinion was correct, and lectured with Gi Dae-seung all day until they finished.
Also, Sojae No Su-sin (盧守愼) composed a commentary on the Sukheung yamae-jam (夙興夜寐箴); the letters of exchange between him, Toegye Yi Hwang, and himself, through lectures and questions, amounted to several hundred words. Toegye Yi Hwang often abandoned his own views and followed much of his theory.
Here, Sojae No Su-sin said, "The mind governs the body." He criticized this and advocated the "Theory of Reverence (Jugyeong-seol, 主敬說)," which holds that "the mind governs the body, but when qi becomes mixed in and the mind is lost outwardly, the governing agent is lost; therefore, one must rectify it through reverence, and only then can the mind again govern the body."
Cai Jiufeng's (蔡九峯) Hongbeom seol-si do-seol (洪範揲蓍圖說) of the Song dynasty is clear and also thorough, yet later people still did not understand it in detail. He took Cai Jiufeng's theory as his foundation, added his own explanations, and carefully created a new work, which he named Hongbeom seol-si jak-gwa-do (洪範揲蓍作卦圖), and transmitted it to his disciple Yang Ja-jing (梁子澂). Thus the profound meanings transmitted by "Zhu and Cai (朱蔡: Zhu Xi and Cai Shen)" were at last clarified.
In the 14th year of Myeongjong (1559), Ilje Yi Hang vigorously debated, in a text expressing the idea that "the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang are one thing," and sent it through Go-bong Gi Dae-seung by letter. He then sent a letter to Ilje, which said: "I do not dare to comment on the letter sent to Master Gi, but in general, principle (理) and material force (氣) are mixed, and what fills heaven and earth comes from nothing other than them; nothing is not contained in them, and at the same time there is nothing that does not possess each of them. Thus the Supreme Ultimate cannot be said to be separate from yin and yang. However, the distinction between the way (道) and the vessel (器) cannot be without boundaries, so it seems that the Supreme Ultimate and yin-yang cannot be said to be one thing. Zhu Xi said, 'The Supreme Ultimate's riding upon yin and yang is like a person riding a horse,' and therefore one certainly cannot say that the person is the horse."
That winter, while he was with Gi Dae-seung, who had returned to his hometown, there was no place they did not reach in lecturing on the theory of the "Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings (四端七情)." Go-bong Gi Dae-seung deeply doubted Toegye Yi Hwang's "Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings, Principle and Material Force Mutually Activating (四七 理氣互發)," and when he questioned him, he replied smoothly without obstruction, giving detailed analysis and argument thoroughly and precisely.
Also, Sojae No Su-sin (盧守愼), relying on Jeongam Na Heum-sun's (羅欽順) Gonjigi (困知記), argued that "the Human Mind of the Way (道心) is still and does not move, while the Human Mind (人心) responds and thereupon penetrates." He strongly criticized this and said, "The Human Minds and Way Minds of the sages all point to a place of movement and speak of it." After his death, Toegye Yi Hwang and Go-bong Gi Dae-seung respected his theory and actively attacked the theory of Sojae; his main treatises were lost and have not been transmitted.
In the first month of the 15th year of Myeongjong (1560), he passed away. In the third month, his posthumous disciple Gi Dae-seung respectfully prepared wine and fruit and offered a libation (奠) before his spirit tablet.13
In the eighth month of 1560, Go-bong Gi Dae-seung composed the "Sachil seol" (四七說) and the "Jang-seo" (長書), based on the insights he had gained from him, and respectfully presented them to Toegye Yi Hwang. Afterward, the debates between him and Toegye on the rights and wrongs of the Four and Seven Mutual Activation amounted to tens of thousands of words, and they were distinguished through his instruction. When Go-bong questioned Toegye, Toegye also said, "Damong (Haseo's pen name) only made a few brief remarks, yet I think one can already see the essential meaning and substance of his words."
In the 16th year of Myeongjong (1561)... [sic: the original text reads as follows.] However, Go-bong Gi Dae-seung discarded all the earlier theories he had obtained through him, and thereafter consistently followed Toegye Yi Hwang's theory, losing logical consistency, so that the front and back were split and the two seemed to be speaking differently. This is the "Toegye-Goebong correspondence" that has been transmitted to the world.
In his theory of self-cultivation, he also took the practice of sincerity (誠敬) of the sages as the goal of learning, and set his aim on building a moral society. Yet he never once claimed to know the Way, and always regarded himself as lacking.
Literary Activities
As he grew up, the poems and prose he wrote were clear and elegant, lofty and outstanding, and few in his time were comparable to him; merely by looking at his appearance one knew he was not a man of the mundane world. What he aimed at was to practice ritual propriety and norms, and so he did not dare to be negligent.
From his early days, when he went in and out of the household of Choe San-du in Dongbok, Hwasun, he gained a reputation in poetry as well. Later, he was already famous in Seoul for writing well, and after returning to his home village, he associated with virtuous Sarim figures throughout the Jeolla region, and especially with Yang San-bo, master of Soswaewon in Damyang, forming a bond of moral friendship and maintaining an even closer relationship.
Centered on Myeonanjeong (俛仰亭), together with the famous figures of his time—Song Sun, Im Eok-ryeong, Kim Yun-jae, Kim Seong-won, Gi Dae-seung, and Jeong Cheol—and centered on the pavilions of Damyang such as Soswaewon (瀟灑園), Siknyeongjeong (息影亭), and Hwanbyeokdang (環碧堂), he formed the Honam poetic circle and played a great role in the development of pavilion literature in the 16th century. The "48 Poems on Soswaewon" and "30 Poems on Myeonanjeong" he wrote at that time, together with various other regulated verses, were widely praised as the pinnacle of pavilion literature, and they are still preserved today.
Cultivation of Later Scholars
In the fourth month of 1546 (the first year of Myeongjong), he wrote a postscript to the Hyogyeong gano (孝經刊誤). This was because, when he served as magistrate of Okgwa, Miam Yu Hui-chun (柳希春), returning home from Hanyang, stopped at the county and showed him the book Hyogyeong gano by Zhu Xi (朱子). He was greatly pleased and personally copied it, and now he appended a postscript at the end of that book to expand its meaning and teach those who came to study. Thus, the path that he, who lived in his hometown upholding his integrity, could take was only academic research and the cultivation of later scholars.
In the spring of 1548 (the third year of Myeongjong), he took his parents with him and temporarily lodged at Jeomam village, Dunjeon-ri, Ssangchi-myeon, Sunchang, the home of his wife's family. There he built a small hall, hung a plaque reading "Hunmong" (訓蒙), and instructed many students, always having them first read the Xiaoxue and then the Daxue. Jeomam in Sunchang had exceptionally fine trees and rocks, and on the riverbank there was a flat rock large enough for dozens of people to sit upon; together with his disciples, including Yang Ja-jing (梁子澂) and Jo Hui-mun (趙希文), he lectured on the Daxue there. The world called it "Daehak-am" (大學巖). Further upstream there is also Nakdeok-am (樂德巖).
Thus, having returned to his home village, he took refuge in nature, abandoned everything, and as if resigned, made poetry and wine his companions, passing the years in carefree tranquility, and yet his mind was at peace. The poem that expresses this state of mind is the "Song of Nature" (自然歌). In the tenth month of the following year, he suffered the loss of his father, Chambong, and in the twelfth month he returned to his hometown of Jangseong and buried him at Wondang-gol, Maek-dong.
[Song of Nature (自然歌)]
The green mountains are naturally so, the clear waters are naturally so.
The mountains are naturally so, the waters are naturally so, and I among mountains and waters am also naturally so.
Surely human life was also born naturally, so we shall naturally grow old.
In the tenth month of 1549, after his father's death, when he returned to his hometown of Jangseong, he devoted himself to students who came to hear of him, and taught them patiently and sincerely. He always had them first read the Xiaoxue and then the Daxue, consistently following the established method of Zhu Wengong (朱文公). In teaching his two sons, too, he had them read the Xiaoxue for ten years and did not let them switch to other books.
His disciples included scholars of their day, such as Byeon Seong-on (卞成溫), Gi Hyo-gan (奇孝諫), Jo Hui-mun (趙希文), Yang Ja-jing (梁子徵), Jeong Cheol (鄭澈), O Geon (吳健), Nam Eon-gi (南彦紀), No Jeok (盧適), Yun Gi (尹祈), Sin Gak (申覺), Seo Tae-su (徐台壽), Yi Ji-nam (李至男), Kim Jong-ho (金從虎), An Jeung (安璔), Kim Je-an (金齊顔), Yang San-hae (梁山海), and Park Won-sun (朴元恂).
Death
In the first month of the 15th year of Myeongjong (1560), at the age of 51, on the sixteenth day by the lunar calendar, after about fifteen years of seclusion in his hometown of Jangseong, his illness became critical; he straightened his posture and, at the age of 51, passed away peacefully.
Three days before he died, his energy was unsettled, and as he took medicine he said to his family, "Tomorrow is the full moon. Prepare the offerings of raw grain and cooked food with care, and have my children present the sacrifices at the ancestral shrine."
On the fifteenth, the day of the full moon, he rose early despite his illness, straightened his clothes and cap, and knelt waiting for the hour of the ritual; he instructed his children, saying, "When I die, do not use any official titles conferred after the Eulsa year." Even to the last moment, he revealed the firm integrity and lofty character of a scholar who wished to keep his loyalty to King Injong.
When the news of his death was reported to the court, King Myeongjong issued a special order to send condolence gifts. In accordance with his wishes, in the third month he was buried in Daemaek-dong Wondangsan, at the foot of his parents' tomb, in the self-ja, o-hyang direction in Jangseong-hyeon.
He habitually kept the Garye (家禮) in mind, was even more careful in funeral and ancestral rites, and when it came to seasonal ancestral rites and rites on the first day of each season, he always attended even when ill, and was not swayed by customary taboos. In teaching his children, he put filial piety, fraternal duty, loyalty, and trustworthiness first, and literary arts second.14
In conversation with others, he did not take his own opinion as the standard, yet once he had firmly established something for himself, it was very solid and could not be uprooted, and it was outstanding and could not be followed. He wrote regular and cursive scripts well, and his brushwork was vigorous.
Works and Writings
He not only had deep knowledge of Neo-Confucianism, but was also thoroughly versed in astronomy, geography, medicine, divination, music theory, and calculation. His theory of the Supreme Ultimate was also profound, and he completed the Cheonmyeong-do (天命圖), but his writings on Confucian moral learning were lost, so few remain. He was also a poet who played a decisive role in the development of pavilion literature in the 16th century, and as he excelled in prose and poetry, he left more than ten volumes of collected writings.
Haseo-jip (河西集)
Juyeok gwansang-pyeon (周易觀象篇)
Seomyeong sacheon-do (西銘事天圖)
Hongbeom seol-si jak-gwa-do (洪範揲蓍作卦圖)
Garye gooo (家禮攷誤)
Cheonmyeong-do (天命道)
Baekryeon chohae (百聯抄解)
Family Relations
Great-grandfather: Kim Dal-won (金達源), Junior Third Rank Chungjwa-wi (忠佐衛) Jungnyeong Sajeong (中領司正)
Great-grandmother: Lady Yi of Seoheung (瑞興 李氏), daughter of Yi Chun-gyeong (春景), Pansajae-sisa (判司宰寺事)
Grandfather: Kim Eui-gang (金義剛), Jikjang (直長) of Saoseo (司醞署)
Father's father: Kim Hwan (金丸), Hunto (訓導) of Geumgu
Father's mother: Lady Kim of Jiksan (稷山 金氏), daughter of Kim Seok-sung (金石崇), granddaughter of Kim Ji-hyo (金知孝), Left Secretary of the Crown Prince's Office (世子左司經)
Daughter: married Jo Hui-mun (趙希文), Gyori of the Hongmungwan
Daughter: married Yang Ja-jing (梁子澂), Magistrate
Daughter: married Yu Gyeong-ryeom (柳景濂), Chalbang
Daughter: (female), died young
Descendants
Among his descendants are Kim Seong-su (金性洙), known by the pen name Ingon, a towering figure of modern history who founded Korea University, launched the Dong-a Ilbo, and served as the second Vice President of South Korea; Kim Byeong-ro (金炳魯), known by the pen name Gain, a perpetual model for the legal profession who as a human rights lawyer during the Japanese colonial period served as the first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Korea; Kim Yeon-su (金季洙), known by the pen name Sudang, an entrepreneur who founded Samyang Group; and Kim Sang-hyup (金相協), known by the pen name Namjae, a towering figure of Korean intellect who served as president of Korea University and as Prime Minister of South Korea.
Thought and Achievements
Historical Context
He was born in the 5th year of King Jungjong and died in the 15th year of King Myeongjong. This period, when the chaotic court of King Yeonsangun was set right by the Jungjong Restoration in an effort to restore a new political order, and when, in the early years of King Jungjong, people sought to open an atmosphere of literary governance and establish the discipline of the state, was also an era in which, from the time of the deposition of the "Shin" consort after Jungjong's accession, factional strife among the maternal relatives intensified internally and conflicts surrounding royal authority became open. The Gimyo Purge and the Eulsa Purge that occurred at this time may be said to represent well this character of the age.
The Gimyo Purge was an incident in which the ideals of the Sarim who sought to raise a new spirit after the Jungjong Restoration clashed with the practical desires of the Hungu high officials, and the Sarim suffered calamity. The Eulsa Purge was an incident in which Yun Won-hyeong and the maternal relatives of King Myeongjong harmed the close attendants of King Injong in order to consolidate their own power base.
Spiritually, he was a Confucian moral scholar who inherited the Sarim spirit; he was loved by Bokjae, studied under Mojae, and learned from Sinjae. Because he was a subject of King Injong, he did not come close to Yun Im or Yun Won-hyeong, and he was ashamed to be in the same court as those ruling factions. He strove to keep his own integrity, and this was a continuous struggle against them.
Yet he shared a deep and unusual affection with King Injong, and as they thought and felt alike, he became not only a subject and attendant of the crown prince but also the sole friend of the crown prince as his protector. For this reason, no one other than King Injong understood his profound intentions, and the circumstances that would have allowed him to realize his position were not granted; so, as for him, he met an unfortunate age and failed to find the opportunity to display his lofty statecraft. Thus, though he possessed a high character, scholarly statecraft, and a will to govern, he could not realize his ideals and was forced to live an unfortunate life, making poetry and wine his companions and lamenting the passing years.
Moral Learning (Dohak)
His scholarship lies in practicing righteousness. This is the academic characteristic of the moral scholars of the Joseon period and also the purpose of studying Neo-Confucianism. Dohak is another name for Neo-Confucianism, but it was also the scholarly style advocated by the new Sarim who entered the court with the rise of King Jungjong. Its spirit was aimed at realizing the governance practiced by the sage kings Yao and Shun, and this claim arose from the aim of learning the fundamental spirit of Confucianism.
The occasion on which this Dohak turned toward Neo-Confucianism was the Gimyo Purge, and in Honam too the Gimyo Purge became a great stimulus for developing thought and consciousness. This was because Jo Gwang-jo was exiled to Neungju in Hwasun, Jeolla Province, so that his spiritual orthodoxy was received in Honam, and the Gimyo Sarim formed ties with Honam.
He grew up under the teaching of the Gimyo Sarim and, by inheriting their spirit, laid the developmental foundation of Honam Confucianism. To call him outstanding in moral learning, literature, and integrity is not only to say that his scholarship and spirit were like that, but in fact, in the points that his later intellectual inheritance and developmental characteristics display the same phenomenon, one can see that his character was inherited and developed as it was.
Thus, looking at his thought, the moral thought of Dohak came from the consciousness of the Gimyo Sarim, but his scholarly characteristic lies in having opened the path to establish this ideologically and to investigate it theoretically. It was precisely the "Cheonmyeong-do" that he made which enabled this ideological establishment.15
Integrity (Jeol-ui)
The spirit of integrity refers to uprightness and righteousness, and righteousness means practicing what is correct; it is the manifestation of the original nature and the concrete substance of benevolence. His righteousness came from a benevolent nature that seeks to preserve his own rectitude, and therefore it became an ideological foundation for practicing righteousness when the state faced peril. Thus his spirit of integrity that confronted injustice was inherited as practical moral learning, and it caused the Honam Sarim to rise resolutely and take the lead in the ranks of national salvation when the country was in difficulty, appearing in the Imjin War righteous armies, the righteous armies of the late Korean Empire, the Gwangju Student Independence Movement, and the May 18 Democratic Uprising.16
Literature (Munjang)
His literature carries the Way (道). The Way follows what heaven naturally ought to be, and writing (文) captures the form of the substance that realizes such a Way. Therefore, the fact that his literature has profound meaning means that his Way was that deep. Because his literature is the manifestation of the Way in this manner, scholars who wished to exalt the Way naturally followed his literature.17
Evaluations
Nujae Park Sang: When he was young, after seeing him, he said to people, "Since ancient times, there has been no prodigy who ended well, but this person alone will surely finish well." And indeed his words were borne out.
Jeolla Governor Jo Won-gi: When he was eight years old, Jeolla Governor Jo Won-gi heard rumors that he was a child prodigy, called him to the Jeonju provincial office, and exchanged verses with him; upon seeing his outstanding talent and high level of literary skill, he praised him, saying, "A prodigy of Jangseong, and a literary master of the world."
Bokjae Gi Jun: When he was nine years old, Gi Jun praised his character, saying, "Truly this child is a prodigy. You should become a minister of the Crown Prince's court." He also gave him a gift of a single brush called "Naesapil." He understood its meaning and always kept it carefully as a treasure. The crown prince that Bokjae mentioned at that time was King Injong, and in later days he became the teacher and minister of King Injong.
Mojae Kim An-guk: When he was ten years old, he visited Jeolla Governor Kim An-guk and studied the Xiaoxue. Kim An-guk saw him and said, "This is my young friend (少友)," and afterward always extolled him as a "man of the Three Dynasties (三代)," the ancient Xia, Shang, and Zhou periods of China.18
Sinjae Choe San-du: When he visited at eighteen and lectured on learning, Sinjae was deeply impressed with him and often praised him, saying, "Like clear water in autumn and a jar of ice (秋水 氷壺)—a clear jade jar holding ice in the autumn."
Toegye Yi Hwang: He remarked, "Among all those with whom I associated in my lifetime, only 'Haseo' was one person."
Songgang Jeong Cheol: He praised him, saying, "In the East there is no one who is upright in going forth and withdrawing, but this one alone is Damjae-ong" (湛齋, Haseo's pen name).
Yulgok Yi I: He said, "The uprightness of his going forth and withdrawing has no equal in Haedong (Korea)."
Sagye Kim Jang-saeng: Kim Haseo said, "His study of the classics was not only precise and thorough, but his integrity was also great."
Usan An Bang-jun: Haseo was praised as "clear water and lotus, light wind and clear moon after rain" (淸水芙蓉, 光風霽月. A lotus floating on clear water, the clear wind and moon after the rain has cleared).
Songcheon Yang Eung-jeong (梁應鼎): He said, "Hu-ji (Kim In-hu's courtesy name) is today's Yan Hui (顔子)."
Uam Song Si-yeol: In 1682, his tomb inscription said, "Among the people of our country, very few are found who excel in moral learning, integrity, and literature together; those who excel in one or two of these three are many, but Heaven aided our Eastern land and gave birth to this gentleman, who possessed all three." He praised him in this way.19
King Jeongjo: In 1796, in the royal edict for his enshrinement in the Munmyo, it was stated: "His scholarly attainments were extraordinarily excellent and his spirit was lofty; he was the first to clarify the subtle and profound meanings of the Daxue and the Seomyeong, and by making reverence a way of life, he inherited both the study of rectifying the mind and the orthodox lineage of moral learning; truly he may be called the great master of Confucianism."
King Jeongjo: In the same 1796 royal edict for enshrinement in the Munmyo, he was greatly praised: "Since the founding of Joseon, the only person who omitted none of moral learning, integrity, and literature is Haseo alone." "Haseo is the Lianxi of the East, and the Confucius of Honam."
His Neo-Confucianism theory has been established as a representative theory that led the Joseon Neo-Confucian circles of the 16th century; he stood at the center of the debates on principle (理) and material force (氣) and occupies a very important position in the history of Confucianism in our country.
As a mid-Joseon moral scholar, he was described in the historical evaluation that "in the south of Honam stood Kim In-hu, in the north Yi Hang, in Yeongnam Yi Hwang, in Chungcheong Cho Sik, and in Seoul Yi I," and this shows that his scholarly virtue was great and broad.
Later Sarim: Throughout his life, they revered his integrity toward King Injong and the uprightness of his going forth and withdrawing.
As understanding of Neo-Confucianism matured in the mid-Joseon period and the rule of the Sarim took root, he was a moral scholar who laid the ideological cornerstone of the development of Joseon society and was highly valued by later generations as a representative figure of practical intellect.20
Honors and Commemoration
1564 (19th year of King Myeongjong): Shrine built at Okgwa Yeonggwijeongsa and enshrined
1570 (3rd year of King Seonjo): Shrine built at Hwasansa in Sunchang and enshrined
1668 (9th year of King Hyeonjong): Posthumously awarded the title of Minister of Personnel and concurrently Grand Academician
1669 (10th year of King Hyeonjong): Posthumous name "Munjeong (文靖)" conferred. It is said, "'Munjeong' is the name for his broad learning in the Way, and 'Jeong (靖)' is the name for his tranquil and joyful peace."
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo): Posthumous name changed to "Munjeong (文正)". It is said, "'Munjeong' is the name for his broad learning in the Way, and 'Jeong (正)' is the name for ruling people by righteousness."
Every year on the middle Ding day (中丁日) of the second and eighth lunar months, the Spring Offering (春享祭) and Autumn Offering (秋享祭) are held at Pilam Seowon in Jangseong to honor his scholarship and virtue, attended by heads of institutions and social organizations, Confucian scholars, and residents.
Efforts to Honor His Memory (追崇 Chusung)
Family Record, Biography, and Epitaph Inscriptions
1561 (16th year of King Myeongjong): The "Family Record" (家狀) was written by Yang Ja-jing (梁子澂), also known as Goam (鼓巖).
1672 (13th year of King Hyeonjong): The "Biography" (行狀) was completed by Park Se-chae (朴世采), also known as Hyeonseok (玄石).
1675 (1st year of King Sukjong): The "Tomb Marker" (墓表) was completed by Kim Su-hang (金壽恒), also known as Mungok (文谷).
1682 (8th year of King Sukjong): The "Spirit Road Stele Inscription" (神道碑銘) was completed by Song Si-yeol (宋時烈), also known as Uam (尤菴).
1742 (18th year of King Yeongjo): The spirit road stele was erected. The inscription was written by Yi Jae (李縡), also known as Doam (陶菴), and the seal script was written by Kim Jin-sang (金鎭商), also known as Toeo (退漁).
1777 (1st year of King Jeongjo): The "Tomb Epitaph" (墓誌銘) was completed by Kim Jong-hu (金鍾厚), also known as Bonam (本庵).
Publication of Collected Works
1568 (1st year of King Seonjo), February: The early draft of the Hasseo Collection (河西集) was published. (The preface was written by his disciple Jo Hui-mun.)
1686 (12th year of King Sukjong), April: The intermediate edition of the Hasseo Collection (河西集) was published. (The preface was written by Song Si-yeol, and the postscript by Park Se-chae.)
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), September: A third intermediate edition of the Hasseo Collection (河西集) was ordered. (Compiled upon enshrinement in the Confucian shrine.)
1802 (2nd year of King Sunjo), May: The third edition of the Hasseo Collection (河西集) was published. (The postscript was written by Yi Jik-bo (李直甫), also known as Donam (돈암).)
Seowon Enshrinement and Royal Recognition
1564 (19th year of King Myeongjong): Scholars of Okgwa built the "Yeonggwijeongsa" (詠歸亭祠) shrine and conducted rites there.
1570 (3rd year of King Seonjo): Scholars of Sunchang built the "Hwasansa" (華山祠) shrine and conducted rites there.
1590 (23rd year of King Seonjo): Scholars of Honam built a seowon in Gisan-ri, Jangseong near his hometown and conducted rites there.
1597 (30th year of King Seonjo): The seowon was destroyed during the Jeongyu War.
1624 (2nd year of King Injo): Through the efforts of local Confucian scholars, led by Kim U-geup (金友伋), also known as Chudam (秋潭), the seowon was rebuilt in Jeungsan-dong (甑山洞), west of Gisan-ri (岐山里), after the war.
1659 (10th year of King Hyojong), March: The seowon's name plaque was designated as "Pilam (書院)".
1662 (3rd year of King Hyeonjong): Under the royal calligraphy of King Hyeonjong, the seowon was officially named Pilam Seowon (筆巖書院), and he was posthumously granted the titles of Minister of Personnel and Grand Academician, along with the posthumous name Munjeong (文靖). Yun Hyeong-gye (尹衡啓), a Royal Secretary of Rites, was sent as an envoy of rites to present a royal sacrificial offering. (The text of the sacrificial address was written by Shin Hyeong (申炯).)
1672 (13th year of King Hyeonjong), March: Due to public concern that the low-lying ground of Jeungsan-dong was at risk of flood damage, the seowon was moved to its present site in Haeta-ri (海打里), and the village was renamed Pilam-ri (筆岩里). The relocation was completed under the supervision of the head of the seowon, Song Jun-gil (宋浚吉), with the efforts of Yi Sil-ji (李實之, 1624–1702), also known as Namgye, Gi Jeong-yeon (奇挺然, 1627–?), and Park Seung-hwa (朴升華, great-grandson of Baek U-dang).
1786 (10th year of King Jeongjo), February: Yang Ja-jing, his disciple and son-in-law, also known as Goam (鼓巖), was enshrined alongside him at Pilam Seowon in Jangseong.
1827 (27th year of King Sunjo): At the public request of Confucian scholars of Sunchang, the "Eoam Seowon" (魚巖書院) was founded in Dunjeon-ri, Ssangchi-myeon, Sunchang County, to conduct rites for him. Yi I (李珥), also known as Yulgok, Jeong Cheol (鄭澈), also known as Songgang, and Kim Si-seo (金時敍), also known as Jayeondang, were enshrined alongside him.
Posthumous Honors (褒贈 Pojeung)
1668 (9th year of King Hyeonjong), April: Yi Dan-ha (李端夏) submitted a memorial describing his scholarship and integrity and requested posthumous honors, and he was posthumously awarded the titles of Minister of Personnel and Grand Academician.
1669 (10th year of King Hyeonjong), August: The posthumous name "Munjeong (文靖)" was conferred. This was because "his broad learning in the Way is called 'Mun (文)', and his tranquil and joyful peace is called 'Jeong (靖)'."
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), September 17: He was enshrined in the Confucian shrine. He was also posthumously awarded the titles of Grand Protector of the State, Senior Grand Master of Splendid Fortune, State Council Chief State Councillor concurrently Royal Lecture Office, Office of Special Advisers, Royal Secretariat, and Director of the Royal Astronomical Bureau of the Office of History, and ancestral rites without removal (不祧) were ordered.
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), October: The posthumous name was changed from "Munjeong (文靖)" to "Munjeong (文正)". It is said, "'Munjeong' is the name for his broad learning in the Way, and 'Jeong (正)' is the name for ruling people by righteousness."
Process of Enshrinement in the Confucian Shrine
In 1771 (47th year of King Yeongjo), Confucian scholars of Jeolla Province, led by Yang Hak-yeon (梁學淵), submitted a memorial requesting his enshrinement in the Confucian shrine (文廟).
In 1786 (10th year of King Jeongjo), in August, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Park Yeong-won (朴盈源), and in October, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Jeong Heon (鄭櫶), made petitions.
In 1789 (13th year of King Jeongjo), in April, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Shim Ik-hyeon (沈翼賢), and in August, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Shin Gwang-rye (申光禮), made petitions.
In 1790 (14th year of King Jeongjo), in March, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Yi Ak-gyeom (李岳謙), made petitions.
In 1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo): In June, Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Yi Myeong-chae (李明彩); Confucian scholars outside officialdom, led by Kim Mu-sun (金懋淳); in the autumn of July, Confucian scholars from the three provinces of Gyeonggi, Hoseo, and Honam, led by Yi Jong-ho (李種祜); Confucian scholars from all eight provinces, led by Chae Hong-sin (蔡弘臣); in August, Confucian scholars outside the capital, led by Jeong Dae-hyeon (鄭大賢); Confucian scholars outside the capital, led by Yi Gyu-nam (李奎南); and in September, state-school Confucian scholars, led by Shim Nae-yeong (沈來永), and state-school Confucian scholars, led by Yi Gwang-heon (李光憲), made petitions.
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), September 17: When state-school Confucian scholars, led by Hong Jun-won (洪準源), requested his enshrinement in the Confucian shrine, King Jeongjo approved it, saying that the late Munjeong Gong Kim In-hu was the "Zhou Dunyi (周子) of our Eastern lands" and could be regarded as the paragon of Confucian scholars and the orthodox root of the Way of learning.21
1796 (20th year of King Jeongjo), November 8: An envoy of rites was sent to offer wine at the shrine of the King of Literary Accomplishment (文宣王廟), after which the rite of enshrinement in the Confucian shrine was performed and a royal edict was proclaimed, stating that he was the "Haedong's Lianxi (濂溪, Zhou Dunyi) and the Confucius of Honam."22
Other
Kim In-hu is the only scholar from Honam to be enshrined in the Confucian shrine in the history of Joseon Confucian scholarship.23
In 2007, two special exhibitions and a Confucian exhibition were held at the National Gwangju Museum.24
Anecdotes (Legends)
In the collected works of Sangchon Shin Heum, the Sangchon Collection (象村集), it is recorded that some years after his death, a neighbor named "Oh Se-eok" (吳世億) suddenly stopped breathing, and after half a day he took a long breath, revived, and told his family: "I died and went to a place called Jamigung, where the Heavenly Emperor dwells. There, the one serving as the Jamisun star, Hasseo, was reading the register of the dead and said, 'This year your lifespan has not yet ended, and you have come here by mistake. I am Kim So-and-so (Kim In-hu), who lived next to you.' He then wrote a text on paper, which read: 'My name is Se-eok (世億), my courtesy name is Daenyeon (大年). I parted the clouds and came to the heavenly realm and sought the Jamisun star. When you reach the age of seventy-seven in the future, we shall meet again. Return to the world and do not carelessly spread these words.'" A man named Se-eok did not know Chinese characters, but he was able to pass this text on to the world.2526
Legend of Brush Rock (Pilam): A rock at the entrance of Maek-dong village in his hometown, Hwangnyong-myeon, is shaped like a brush. It is said that "Hasseo was born under the influence of this rock's energy." During the Joseon period, under King Yeongjo, the characters "筆巖" carved in the calligraphy of Yun Bong-gu, also known as Byeonggye, are engraved on it.27
In Unam-dong, Buk-gu, Gwangju Metropolitan City, within Children's Grand Park, there are his statue and nine works engraved, including the "Ink Bamboo Painting" (墨竹圖), for which he composed a poem on a painting by King Injong; the "Diagram of Heavenly Principle" (天命圖), which graphically summarizes his Neo-Confucian thought; and the classical Chinese poem "Ode to Nature" (自然歌).
This article includes content based on material from the Global World Encyclopedia distributed under the GFDL or CC-SA license by Daum Communications (now Kakao).
Footnotes
Footnotes
Noerjae Park Sang said of Kim In-hu upon seeing him, "Since ancient times, there has been no prodigy who ended well, but this one alone should finish well." ↩
Chanchan Song Sun once said together with Hyeongam Oh Gyeom, "When I looked at the Sinmyo year's examination register, there were consecutively listed Seong Un (Daegok) Seong Un, Seo Gyeong-deok (Hwadam), Kim In-hu (Hasseo), Baek In-gil (Hyuam), and Jeong Yu-gil (Imdang)." Oh Gyeom was greatly astonished and said, "How can there be so many worthy men in a single list?" ↩
The Toegye Eonhaengnok records that when Toegye was returning home, he wrote a "farewell poem" for him, saying, "You are the outstanding scholar of Yeongnam. Your literature is like Li Bai and Du Fu. Your calligraphy is like Wang Xizhi and Zhao Mengfu." Later Toegye said, "Having experienced the Gimyo purge, people all disliked and avoided learning, and passed their days in jest. But he alone freshly advanced as if washed clean, and his movements and speech all followed proper rules. Those who saw him pointed and laughed at him, and the only one who associated with him was 'Kim Hasseo.'" ↩
In our country, he was the first to be publicly known for wearing mourning hemp (加麻) for his teacher. ↩
The thirteen members of the Hoha Sugye Rok: Ganjae Choi Yeon, Sipseongdang Eom Heun, Chupa Song Gi-su, Songjae Na Se-chan, Gukgan Yun Hyeon, Jukgye Im Yeol, Jisan Yi Hwang, Geumho Im Hyeong-su, Ucham Kim Su, Sangdeokjae Jeong Yu-gil, Geupgojae Yi Hong-nam, Hohakjae Min Gi. ↩
Maekyeong Economist (2017.07.24.) [Shin Byung-ju's "Living as a Advisor to Joseon"] (13) The King-in-waiting's advisor, Kim In-hu, the pride of Honam Confucian scholars and the scholarly teacher of Injong. ↩
In August, he said that both of his parents were seventy years old and he wished to serve them to the end. ↩
[Lee Jong-beom's Honam Biographical Series] [36] The dream of a civilization of moral governance engraved on "Ink Bamboo Painting". Chosun Ilbo (2012.08.20). ↩
[Lee Jong-beom's Honam Biographical Series] [39] In a dark age, rejecting office and devoting himself to wine and study... Chosun Ilbo (2012.09.03). ↩
Also called the Jeongmi Sahwa (丁未士禍). At this time, Song In-su and Im Hyeong-su were executed, and more than twenty people, including Yi Eon-jeok, Noh Su-sin, Yu Hui-chun, and Baek In-gil, were exiled. In particular, Im Hyeong-su was an intimate friend and a member of the Sagadokseo program. He composed the sijo "Dosim Sawon Sakdanga" (도임사수 원사 작단가) to mourn his unjust death. ↩
In 1543, Chugam Jeong Ji-un wrote the Diagram of Heavenly Principle (天命圖); in 1548, Hasseo Kim In-hu wrote the Diagram of Heavenly Principle; in 1553, Toegye Yi Hwang wrote a revised edition of Jeong Ji-un's Diagram of Heavenly Principle. ↩
Memorial Address (祭文): On March 7 of the Gyeongsin year, junior disciple Gobong Gi Dae-seung respectfully presented wine and offerings before the portrait of the late Hasseo Seonsaeng and says: Alas, Master, has it come to this? Who will now grasp the subtle sacred words and who will awaken the junior students? It is too much. Our Way has declined! Who in the world could again be a master like you? I returned to my hometown due to illness, hoping to rely on you to remove my doubts and delusions, but who would have thought it would suddenly come to this? How can heaven be so untrustworthy? Alas! Since you are returning to Jintaek, the joy of companionship and the feelings of admiration and longing must end here. What am I to do? What am I to do? Respectfully offering a cup, I bid my final farewell with grief. Alas! How sad. ↩
Also, in his admonitions to his children, he said: "You must know that roots and branches are connected by one breath. How much diligence and hardship did we endure to establish this family tradition? You must advance in learning, cultivate yourselves, and surely continue this. Even craftsmen make their skills a family trade." ↩
Materials presented at the 3rd Seonbi Culture Jangseong Forum, 2007 (Prof. Oh Jong-il, Jeonbuk National University), "The Life and Scholarship of Kim In-hu," Sungkyunkwan Youth Confucian Association, Jeollanam-do branch (2007.09.27). Archived 2016-08-26 - Wayback Machine. ↩
Materials presented at the 3rd Seonbi Culture Jangseong Forum, 2007 (Prof. Oh Jong-il, Jeonbuk National University), "The Life and Scholarship of Kim In-hu," Sungkyunkwan Youth Confucian Association, Jeollanam-do branch (2007.09.27). Archived 2016-08-26 - Wayback Machine. ↩
Materials presented at the 3rd Seonbi Culture Jangseong Forum, 2007 (Prof. Oh Jong-il, Jeonbuk National University), "The Life and Scholarship of Kim In-hu," Sungkyunkwan Youth Confucian Association, Jeollanam-do branch (2007.09.27). Archived 2016-08-26 - Wayback Machine. ↩
Munhwa Ilbo (July 16, 2016) "A prodigy who composed poems on the spot at age six... declined office after the death of the beloved King Injong." ↩
"Kim In-hu's Spirit Road Stele Inscription" by Song Si-yeol (尤菴 宋時烈). ↩
Weekly Gongam Korea Policy Information Magazine (2017.02.24.) [Lee Dae-hyeon, adjunct professor, School of Media and Communication, Kookmin University] Our spiritual culture, "Eighteen Worthies of Korea." ↩
The Former Worthy Munjeong Gong is truly the Zhou Dunyi (周子) of our Eastern lands. If the Two Chengs, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi were first enshrined in the Confucius temple while Zhou Dunyi alone was left out of the ranks of enshrinement, would the hearts of the Two Chengs, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi be at peace? What you request today is the heart of Munjeong Gong Jo Gwang-jo, Munsun Gong Yi Hwang, Munseong Gong Yi I, and Munjeong Gong Song Si-yeol. The reason I delayed my approval until today was only to treat the matter with proper ceremony and exercise caution in the affair. But since the memorial has already been submitted three times, what more is there to hesitate about? I approve your request to enshrine the Former Worthy Munjeong Gong Kim In-hu in the shrine of the King of Literary Accomplishment (文宣王), and I order the officials of the Board of Rites to examine the precedents and carry it out on a chosen day. ↩
[Edict on Enshrinement in the Confucian Shrine] (文宣從祀敎書): You are the Lianxi (濂溪, Zhou Dunyi) of Haedong and the Confucius of Honam (湖南). Your deep insight into nature and destiny and yin and yang reached the level of the Taiji Diagram, and in the essentials of investigating things and extending knowledge, and making intentions sincere and rectifying the mind, you first devoted yourself to the Xiaoxue. In expressing your intent through poetry, you alone were praised among heaven and earth as the equal of two people (Confucius and Zhu Xi). In investigating principles and exploring origins, you once wrote the Yixiang Pian (易象篇), and its various theories were outstanding. Pursuing the great meaning on your own, you attained understanding through yourself, and you decisively rejected the mistaken logic of various scholars who argued that Dao and qi were mixed as one; your arguments on the Four Beginnings and Seven Emotions of principle (理) and qi (氣) dispelled the doubts of your comrades. The firm, upright, and dignified character accumulated within you was like pine and cypress in the harsh winter; the bright, gentle, and pure bearing revealed outwardly was like a lotus on clear water. You nearly reached the level of a sage, and truly you can be called a man of the Three Dynasties. Fortunately, you encountered the era of the Hyoreung (孝陵, King Injong), where you had hoped to accomplish great things, and you witnessed a pure Confucian minister display the beautiful virtue he held within. The Crown Prince deeply trusted you and had already given you a painting containing his intent, and he came to the office where you were on night duty and conversed with you, often opening his heart to you apart from ordinary lectures. As a minister who assisted the ruler, your silent harmony of heart was like that of King Gaozong of Shang obtaining Fu Yue, and your voluntary assumption of responsibility for the ruler and the people was like Yi Yin meeting Cheng Tang. ↩
Kim Kyung-ho (March 2018). "Sixteenth-Century Honam Confucianism Viewed Through Networks of Marriage." Yeongnamhak64: pp. 39–68. doi:10.36034/yncdoi.2018..64.39. ↩
[[Gwangju] Hasseo Kim In-hu and Pilam Seowon: Special Exhibition on the Spirit of the Honam Seonbi] DailyIan (2007.09.18). ↩
Heo Gyun's Seongso Bubugo (惺所覆瓿藁) and Hangsan Chodam (鶴山樵談), as well as Yi Geung-ik's Yeonryeo Silgisul (연려실기술), record the name as "Oh Se-eok" (吳世億). After reviving, Se-eok told the story to Sojae Sang-gong Noh Su-sin (盧守愼), and afterwards "Oh Se-eok" indeed ended his life at the age of seventy-seven. ↩
Seoul Shinmun (2017.04.09) [Baek Seung-jong's History Walk] Kim In-hu met on the road to the afterlife. ↩