The 1694 (20th year of Sukjong) event in which, following the movement to restore Queen Min, the ruling Namin were removed from power and the Soron and Noron returned to government. Queen Inhyeon was restored, Queen Jang was demoted to Consort Hui, and the Namin never regained power afterward.
Gabsul Hwanguk (甲戌換局) was the third hwanguk (purge and power shift) of Sukjong's reign, occurring on April 1, 1694 (20th year of Sukjong). After the Gisa Hwanguk of February 2, 1689, the Namin had held power, but in this event they collapsed, and the Seoin (Noron and Soron), who had been purged during the Gisa Hwanguk, returned to power.
Process
According to the records, on the 23rd day of the 3rd month of the 20th year of Sukjong (1694), Min Am reported an internal disclosure by Ham I-wan that sons of Noron and Soron families in Hanseong had pooled their wealth to bribe eunuchs, favorite courtiers (嬖人)1, and relatives of the royal family (戚家)2 in order to fabricate lies and false rumors, slandering court officials and unsettling public opinion, with the sinister aim of carrying out wicked schemes. Sukjong ordered the arrest of all of them, permitted the Uigeumbu to investigate them strictly, and specifically commanded that severe punishments be used.3 On the 25th day of the 3rd month, Jang Hui-jae, Vice Minister and Commander of the Police Bureau (우윤 겸 포도대장), who was the older brother of Queen Jang (Consort Hui Jang), apologized for having associated and corresponded with the Soron and submitted a letter of resignation. Sukjong, however, consoled him, saying that there must be some circumstances and that he should not be anxious over small matters.4 On the 26th day, during the interrogation, the defendants testified that Jang Hui-jae had been present but had not accepted bribes, and he was acquitted.
On the 26th day of the 3rd month, Han Jung-hyeok, Kim Chun-taek, Yi Jin-myeong, Yi Hu-seong, Yi Gi-jeong, Kim Do-myeong, Yi Dong-beon, Byeon Jin-yeong, Yu Bok-gi, Yi Si-do, Yi Si-hoe, and others were arrested. Among them, Yi Si-do, a military officer from a wealthy provincial family, falsely confessed that the father and son Han Jung-hyeok (Soron) had planned to frame the three great commanders of the Namin (the , the Suoyeong, and the ) for plotting to install the royal kinsman as king, and that Han Jung-hyeok had said that would surely be delighted if he learned of this plan. Sukjong was enraged, permitted Yi Si-do to be tortured even more severely, and expanded the investigation. During this process, the defendants asserted that , , and , daughters of and aunts of Sukjong, had joined the plot to effect a power change in alliance with , the Noron leader. Upon this, and the Namin together memorialized the throne that the three princesses had to be punished severely, and it became difficult for even the family of , Sukjong's younger sister, to avoid death.
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On the 29th day of the 3rd month, the Confucian scholar Kim In submitted a denunciation (고변서) stating that Sinchon magistrate Yun Hui (尹憘),훈국 별장 (Training Command Special Captain) Seong Ho-bin, and others were plotting treason, that Jang Hui-jae was involved, that Min Am, O Si-bok, and Mok Chang-myeong were connected with them, and that he had personally witnessed Jang Hui-jae in 1693 paying money to the family of Sukbin Choe's (then Sukwon) aunt on her mother's side to induce them to poison Choe while she was pregnant.7 Upon this, Min Am and Jang Hui-jae appealed to Sukjong that they had been wronged, and Sukjong consoled them, saying that Kim In's denunciation was baseless and that he did not believe it.8
However, on the next day, the 1st day of the 4th month,9 Sukjong suddenly removed the ruling Namin, the party in power, from politics entirely, and reverted the government to the Soron, who had been pushed into the opposition, while partially restoring the Noron, who had been expelled during the Gisa Hwanguk, and assigning them to handle investigations against the Namin. This is called the Gabsul Hwanguk.10 It resembled the Gisa Hwanguk of 1689: at that time, Sukjong expelled the Noron, the ruling party, and placed the Soron, who had been persecuted by the Noron since the division of 1683, in power, while restoring the Namin, who had been expelled in the Gyeongsin Hwanguk of 1680 and massacred as traitors by the Seoin (including the Noron),11 to handle investigations against the Noron. The difference is that in 1689 the Namin handled investigations against the Noron and carried out retaliatory punishments, while the Soron led moderate punishments of the Noron, which ultimately resulted in the Namin becoming the ruling party and the Soron being pushed into opposition. After the Gabsul Hwanguk, however, Soron rule was maintained until the Sinsa Hwanguk of 1701.12 This was partly because Sukjong was wary of the Noron, but also because the Noron who returned to politics in part after the Gabsul Hwanguk, like the Soron who had become the ruling party during the Gisa Hwanguk but were eventually pushed into opposition, had leaders of the faction who were supposed to lead it declare that they had no interest in politics, decline office, and retire to the countryside.
Because the records are unclear, no precise definition of the causes of the Gabsul Hwanguk has been established, and only divided opinions exist. One view defines it as having been carried out by Sukjong in order to restore Queen Inhyeon, but this is based on the novel Queen Inhyeon-jeon, written from the standpoint of Queen Inhyeon, and on unofficial histories, and when the facts recorded in official histories such as the Seungjeongwon Ilgi are checked in chronological order, it can be seen to be fiction. Recently it has been interpreted that Sukjong did not cause the purge due to a change in his affection for Queen Inhyeon and Consort Hui Jang, but rather alternately employed the factions of the two women without any specific cause in order to strengthen his royal authority.
Aftermath
After the Gabsul Hwanguk changed the government, Sukjong on the 2nd day of the 4th month13 proclaimed that anyone who mentioned the deposed one (廢人: Queen Inhyeon) or who made statements threatening the spirit tablet of the crown prince would be charged with high treason, firmly expressing his unwillingness to replace the queen.
“Those who, as the remnant of the fierce ministers' wicked faction, cause agitation in the national foundation (國本: the crown prince), and those who plead on behalf of the deposed one 【referring to the Central Palace】, Hong Chi-sang14, and Yi Sa-myeong15, shall be judged under the law of treason; those who plead on behalf of Yi Sang16 shall be decided under heavy law. Proclaim this intention clearly to the court and the country.”
— Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), 5th article
Also, on the 1st day of the 4th month, when the Gabsul Hwanguk broke out and the Namin were severely punished and expelled en masse, Jang Hui-jae, who had long been on close terms with Min Am, voluntarily requested punishment, but Sukjong consoled him and told him to carry out his duties with a calm mind.17
However, on the 11th day of the 4th month, Sukjong suddenly charged Jang Hui-jae with abuse of authority18, stripped him of office, and had him arrested.19 At the same time, he ordered that Deposed Queen Min (Queen Inhyeon) be moved to the Western Palace (西宮)20 (i.e., relocated) the very next day without choosing an auspicious date, and that guards (= escorts) be immediately assigned to the private residence of Deposed Queen Min.21 This demonstrates that by this day Sukjong had resolved to restore her. Then, on the next day, the 12th day of the 4th month, Sukjong restored Deposed Queen Min (Queen Inhyeon) as queen, and at the same time, citing the Joseon national law that a country cannot have two national mothers, ordered Queen Jang (Consort Hui Jang) to be demoted to her former title.22 Regarding the internal circumstances of this affair, Min Jin-won recorded in his private work Danam Mangnok that Sukbin Choe went to Sukjong's quarters in the middle of the night and tearfully appealed that Jang Hui-jae had indeed attempted to poison her, and that this appeal succeeded.23
Following the restoration of Queen Inhyeon and the demotion of Consort Hui Jang, the Noron and the Soron, who had united during the Gabsul Hwanguk, came into strong opposition. The Noron aimed at restoring Queen Inhyeon, while the Soron aimed at keeping Consort Hui Jang as queen and having Queen Inhyeon, now a commoner, lodged in a separate palace to spend her remaining years in peace.
"The Noron faction wants to restore the deposed queen, and the Soron faction wants to move the deposed queen to a separate palace." — Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), 2nd article
When Sukjong ordered the restoration, Seomun Jung, Minister of War, together with Vice Minister of Personnel Park Tae-sang and others, gathered people and argued, "Between nine years and six years, and between having a son and not having a son, which is more important and which is less?" This implied that although Queen Inhyeon had been queen longer than Consort Hui Jang, Consort Hui Jang, the birth mother of the crown prince, was more honored. The Royal Secretariat (政院) declared that it could not carry out the order until it had deliberated carefully with the court officials and the public, and that it refused to comply.24 Amid a violent dispute between the Noron, who argued that the restoration of Queen Inhyeon was proper, and the Soron, who argued it was improper,25 on the 16th day of the 4th month, representative Soron figures such as Right State Councillor Yun Ji-wan, Minister of Works Shin Ik-sang, Vice Mayor of Hanseong Im Sang-won, and Vice Minister of War Yi Yu collectively submitted letters of resignation.26 The situation was serious, because Sukjong had filled the central government with Soron after the Gabsul Hwanguk. Six days later, on the 17th day of the 4th month, Nam Gu-man, Chief State Councillor and leader of the Soron, mediated for the Soron, saying, "The royal command has already been issued, and it is not proper for a son to discuss the mother's (national mother's) faults and argue about whether to expel her again." The matter was concluded with Queen Inhyeon being restored as queen. However, Nam Gu-man's remark that he was glad of Queen Inhyeon's restoration and sad about the demotion of Consort Hui Jang offended the Noron. Afterward he obstructed the Noron repeatedly, protecting Soron officials who had strongly opposed Queen Inhyeon's restoration and preventing the Noron from removing Jang Hui-jae. As a result, Nam Gu-man too was classified as a member of the Noron faction.27
On the 1st day of the 6th month, Queen Inhyeon held a new enthronement ceremony and was able to resume the position of queen.28 However, Yun Jeung, founder of the Soron, honored and addressed Queen Inhyeon and Consort Hui Jang equally, following the precedent of the left and right empresses of the old dynasty.29 Right State Councillor Yun Ji-wan, although a member of the same family as Queen Inhyeon,30 took a letter of resignation and met with Sukjong to request that Consort Hui Jang be granted a title equivalent to that of a queen, to bestow on her honors suitable to her status; for several years he did not offer the queen's rites to Queen Inhyeon.3132 Soron figures such as Seomun Jung and Park Man-jeong successively memorialized the throne asking that a new title equivalent to that of a queen be created for Consort Hui Jang. Even in official business, the Soron refused to address Consort Hui Jang by a consort's title and instead referred to her indirectly as "a certain place" (某處).33 These circumstances became the background for the Mugo Ok (Witchcraft Incident), which erupted when, in 1701, after two years of illness, Queen Inhyeon died and the restoration of Consort Hui Jang became inevitable, and when Sukbin Choe made the accusation. The Mugo Ok allowed the Noron, the faction of Queen Inhyeon, to monopolize power temporarily. Under the mediation of the Soron Choe Seok-hang and others, who from 1699 had advocated the Tangpyeong policy (balanced policy), a small number of Namin who had returned to court were recast as the traitors who had conspired with Consort Hui Jang in the Gisa Hwanguk to depose Queen Inhyeon, were expelled again, and were removed from politics until the accession of Jeongjo; this became the cause.34 The Soron, who had argued for the innocence or light punishment of Consort Hui Jang and for a moderate policy and balanced policy toward the Namin, were also classified by the Noron as traitorous, nearly receiving severe punishment and being permanently expelled from politics, so their feelings hardened into a bitter enmity that could not be reconciled. Afterward, the Soron supported the crown prince (Gyeongjong), while the Noron supported Yeonin-gun (Yeongjo), son of Sukbin Choe, and they competed with each other. This became the trigger for the Sinim Sahwa under Gyeongjong, the Yi Injwa Rebellion under Yeongjo, the Naju Wall Poster Incident, and the Toyeok Gyeonggwa Tuseo Incident.
Other
In the novel Queen Inhyeon-jeon, the cause of the Gabsul Hwanguk is depicted as Sukjong carrying out the restoration of Queen Inhyeon, whom he had long longed for, because he could no longer endure the wickedness of Consort Hui Jang. The Sumun-rok written by Yi Mun-jeong35 also depicts Sukjong, who had regretted replacing the queen since shortly after the Gisa Hwanguk because he was disgusted by the viciousness of Consort Hui Jang, witnessing Consort Hui Jang beating Sukbin Choe, who was pregnant, to death, and so launching the purge in order to expel Consort Hui Jang from the queenship. However, when the chronological analysis of the official records is made, it is difficult to regard Sukjong as having carried out the purge to restore Queen Inhyeon, and the same is true of Sukjong's conduct before and after the restoration of Queen Inhyeon.
Notes
Content notes
Reference notes
This document contains text based on the article "〈〈Yangban Bureaucratic Re-division〉〉" from the Global World Encyclopedia, distributed under the GFDL or CC-SA license by Daum Communications (now Kakao).
Notes
Footnotes
嬖人 refers to a concubine favored by the king, and may also be written 廢寵 or 廢姬. At the time, it referred to Sukbin Choe, who was Sukjong's only concubine. ↩
This term refers to the maternal and paternal relatives of the royal family. The Sillok article of that day named only Jang Hui-jae, but all related articles on the incident include Sukjong's three aunts (Sukan, Sukmyeong, Sukhui). ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 23rd day of the 3rd month (Sinyu), 1st article ↩
Seungjeongwon Ilgi, Sukjong 20th year, 25th day of the 3rd month (Gyehae), original vol. 356 / transcribed vol. 18 (16/20) ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 26th day of the 3rd month (Gapja), 2nd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), 2nd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 29th day of the 3rd month (Jeongmyo), 1st article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 29th day of the 3rd month (Jeongmyo), 3rd article ↩
In 1694 there was an intercalary month, so the 29th day of the lunar 3rd month was the last day of the 3rd month. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), 1st through 5th articles ↩
The primary cause of the Noron–Soron division was discomfort with the suspicions surrounding the Gyeongsin Hwanguk (1680) and the near-indiscriminate massacre of the Namin. Some Seoin Sandang members (who later became Soron) who led the efforts to save the Namin and advocated moderate punishment became disillusioned when, through the Heosae Incident (1681), the suspicion (collusion between the in-law Kim Seok-ju of the former Hanbang Seoin and Song Si-yeol, leader of the Sandang) was confirmed to be true. In other words, for the Namin the Soron were part of the Seoin Sandang, the hostile faction that had dethroned them and seized power, but they were also the ones who had led efforts to save them and advocated moderate punishment, while the Noron were enemies. ↩
The Noron were given authority over the investigation of the Mugo Ok, and their leader at that time was Yi Se-baek (then Left State Councillor), the paternal cousin of Yeongbin Kim (then Gwiin), whom Queen Inhyeon had designated before her death as the next queen. Since the Soron had supported Consort Hui Jang since the restoration of Queen Inhyeon, they came into conflict with Sukjong over suspicions about the Mugo Ok and efforts to save Consort Hui Jang. Their leaders and key figures were dismissed or exiled, and they were temporarily pushed out of politics. When Jang committed suicide, the Soron resigned en masse, and so the Noron temporarily rose to power as the ruling party. ↩
The Sukjong Sillok records it as an article of the 1st day of the 4th month of the lunar calendar, while the Seungjeongwon Ilgi records it as an article of the 2nd day of the 4th month. ↩
Maternal cousin of Sukjong, son of Princess Sukan and uncle by marriage of Yeongbin Kim, Sukjong's concubine. After the Gisa Hwanguk, it was discovered that he had attempted, together with Yi Sa-myeong, to falsely accuse Prince Dongpyeong of treason against the king. He was arrested, but on the testimony of Sim Gwon and Yi Jing-myeong, it was revealed that in 1687 he had, together with his niece Yeongbin Kim, created and spread false scandals about Jo Sa-seok and the mother of Consort Hui Jang. Yeongbin Kim was consequently demoted to commoner, and Hong Chi-sang was executed by hanging, together with other crimes (three false accusations). Hong Tae-yu, son of Hong Chi-sang, tried to shift guilt in order to save his father; Sim Jeong-bo (Princess Sukmyeong's son and another uncle by marriage of Yeongbin Kim) was demoted to commoner and exiled, but in 1692, at the request of the ailing Princess Sukmyeong, he was specially pardoned. ↩
Elder brother of Yi I-myeong (son-in-law of Kim Man-jung) of the Four Noron Ministers, and cousin of Yi Geon-myeong. During the Gyeongsin Hwanguk, together with Kim Seok-ju, Min Jeong-jung, and Kim Man-jung, he led the harsh punishment of the Namin, and in the process did not hesitate to use cunning, earning the resentment of the Namin. After the Gisa Hwanguk, he was arrested and interrogated for falsely accusing and killing Yi Si-su. In Sukjong's 9th year, it was revealed that he had fabricated a false letter mentioning the outbreak of war and fabricated testimony in a scheme to exterminate the Namin and seize military power, and it was additionally revealed that together with his relative Hong Chi-sang he had tried to falsely accuse royal kinsman Prince Dongpyeong of treason. Subsequently, it was revealed that Hong Chi-sang had fabricated the scandal about Jo Sa-seok, who had mocked Sukjong inside the palace in 1687, and that Yi Sa-myeong had passed it to Kim Man-jung, and he was executed. ↩
Brother-in-law of the elder sister-in-law of Queen Inhyeon, and maternal cousin of Queen Inhyeon (Song Byeong-mun, grandson of Song Jun-gil); and the paternal grandfather-in-law of Kim Je-gyeom (grandson of Kim Su-hang, son of Kim Chang-jip). The phrase in the Sukjong Sillok Bogwol Jeongo that "Min Jin-hu, drawn by private feelings because (Yi Sang) was his relative by marriage, did not heed the prohibition and immediately requested his vindication, so public opinion was surprised" shows that their relationship was special. ↩
Seungjeongwon Ilgi, Sukjong 20th year, 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), original vol. 356 / transcribed vol. 18 (6/10) ↩
Yi Si-do, a prisoner under interrogation, was sentenced to exile, and at night went to the house of Jang Hui-jae with four servants and attempted to assassinate him with a knife, but failed. Jang Hui-jae did not report this to the government office, but sent Yi Si-do to the police station, where he was punished to reveal his backers, and then quietly released him. Upon his release, Yi Si-do immediately appeared at the Saheonbu (Office of the Inspector-General), and reported that, before leaving for exile, he had stopped by the private residence of Jang Hui-jae to say farewell. Jang Hui-jae comforted him and served him a farewell drink, but suddenly struck him in the chest, and because he had been dragged away without guilt and beaten with a rod, his toes were broken. After investigating this, the Royal Secretariat reported the matter to Sukjong, and Yi Si-do, who should have been sent into exile, was again arrested and strictly interrogated for leading men to the residence of the Commander of the Police to plot an assassination. Jang Hui-jae was given provisional dismissal for releasing Yi Si-do on his own without reporting his crime to the state and for privately inflicting punishment; on the 8th day of the 4th month he was removed from the post of Commander of the Police on the recommendation of Ryu Jip-il, Jangnyeong. On the 11th day of the 4th month, Sukjong suddenly sided with Yi Si-do's claims, imposed exile on Jang Hui-jae for beating Yi Si-do with a rod when Yi Si-do should have been exiled, and urgently transferred him to the Uigeumbu. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 11th day of the 4th month (Muin), 8th article ↩
This is Gyeongun Palace (慶運宮, now Deoksugung), where Queen Inmok, the second wife of Seonjo, was confined. After Queen Inhyeon was made a commoner, Gwon Dae-un and the Namin and Soron, saying that to keep a former national mother among commoners would diminish the dignity of the royal house, memorialized the throne several times asking that the deposed queen be allowed to spend her remaining years in a separate palace and that her food and clothing be provided by the palace, following the precedent of Song Renzong for an empress deposed in such a way. However, these were not carried out because of Sukjong's firm opposition. Yet on the 9th day of the 4th month, ten days after the Gabsul Hwanguk, Sukjong suddenly invoked the precedent of Song Renzong and permitted Deposed Queen Min to spend her remaining years in the Western Palace, assigning one guard to her. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 11th day of the 4th month (Muin), 3rd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 12th day of the 4th month (Gimyo), 6th article ↩
The accusation by Kim In and the testimony of Choe, that Jang Hui-jae had paid 50 nyang to Hae-seong, the elder brother-in-law on her maternal side of Sukbin Choe, and had caused Bong-yeong, Choe's maternal aunt, to enter the palace and make Choe (then Sukwon) eat poisoned food so as to poison her, were all shown to be false on the 2nd day of the intercalary 5th month, based on the results of the interrogation of Choe's maternal aunt's family, who had been brought in at the strong insistence of the Soron. It was revealed that Bong-yeong had not even entered the palace at the time of Choe's childbirth, that outside food not permitted in the palace could not be brought in, so that the accusation as described was impossible to carry out, and that the only relative who had survived by clinging to the royal concubine had been given a mere 50 nyang in order to poison the king's only concubine while pregnant. Setting aside human sentiment, this sum could not be reconciled even with market prices. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 13th day of the 4th month (Gyeongjin), 2nd article ↩
This content is omitted from the Sukjong Sillok but is recorded in the Seungjeongwon Ilgi entries from the 12th to the 16th day of the 4th month. ↩
Seungjeongwon Ilgi, Sukjong 20th year, 16th day of the 4th month (Gyemi), original vol. 356 / transcribed vol. 18 ↩
Nam Gu-man was a relative of Queen Inhyeon; Lady Nam, the wife of Queen Inhyeon's cousin-in-law (eldest daughter-in-law of Min Jeong-jung and wife of Min Jin-jang), was Nam Gu-man's paternal cousin. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 27, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 6th month (Jeongyu), 3rd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 27, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 3rd day of the 10th month (Jeongyu), 5th article ↩
Yun Ji-wan was the younger brother of Yun Ji-seon, the father-in-law of Min Jin-won, and was the uncle of the husband of Queen Inhyeon's second sister-in-law. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 28, 21st year (1695 Eulhae / Qing Kangxi 34), 30th day of the 3rd month (Sinmyo), 3rd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 29, 21st year (1695 Eulhae / Qing Kangxi 34), 3rd day of the 8th month (Imjin), 1st article ↩
Although the Namin received official posts in the late reign of Yeongjo, when Jeongjo acceded, Namin of fifth rank or higher could be counted on the fingers of one hand, so this was merely superficial. ↩
Yi Mun-jeong was a cousin of Yeongbin Kim (a first cousin once removed on her maternal side), and was the grandson of Yi Jang-yeong, younger brother of Yi Jeong-yeong, the maternal grandfather of Yeongbin Kim. Yi Jin-yu, the younger cousin on the maternal side of Yeongbin Kim and first cousin of Yi Mun-jeong, along with his brother, had opposed the investiture of the crown prince-consort and was the chief advocate, at the forefront, of executing the Four Noron Ministers during the Sinim Sahwa. After the accession of Yeongjo, the family nearly collapsed due to concentrated attacks by the Noron. However, because Yi Jeong-yeong had been of the Noron faction that shared views with Kim Seok-ju and Min Jeong-jung during the Gyeongsin Daechulcheok, and because the maternal family of Yeongbin Kim, who had exerted considerable influence in Yeongjo's accession, perhaps helped, only Yi Jin-yu and his brother were punished. Yi Mun-jeong, whose original name had been Yi Jin-jeong, changed the clan generation character Jin (眞) to Mun (文), stated that Yi Jin-yu's brothers were treacherous and had long been avoided, and wrote the Sumun-rok, which depicts Consort Hui Jang as a wicked woman and beautifies Sukbin Choe, the birth mother of Yeongjo, as a heroine. ↩
Gabsul Hwanguk (甲戌換局) was the third hwanguk (purge and power shift) of Sukjong's reign, occurring on April 1, 1694 (20th year of Sukjong). After the Gisa Hwanguk of February 2, 1689, the Namin had held power, but in this event they collapsed, and the Seoin (Noron and Soron), who had been purged during the Gisa Hwanguk, returned to power.
Process
According to the records, on the 23rd day of the 3rd month of the 20th year of Sukjong (1694), Min Am reported an internal disclosure by Ham I-wan that sons of Noron and Soron families in Hanseong had pooled their wealth to bribe eunuchs, favorite courtiers (嬖人)1, and relatives of the royal family (戚家)2 in order to fabricate lies and false rumors, slandering court officials and unsettling public opinion, with the sinister aim of carrying out wicked schemes. Sukjong ordered the arrest of all of them, permitted the Uigeumbu to investigate them strictly, and specifically commanded that severe punishments be used.3 On the 25th day of the 3rd month, Jang Hui-jae, Vice Minister and Commander of the Police Bureau (우윤 겸 포도대장), who was the older brother of Queen Jang (Consort Hui Jang), apologized for having associated and corresponded with the Soron and submitted a letter of resignation. Sukjong, however, consoled him, saying that there must be some circumstances and that he should not be anxious over small matters.4 On the 26th day, during the interrogation, the defendants testified that Jang Hui-jae had been present but had not accepted bribes, and he was acquitted.
On the 26th day of the 3rd month, Han Jung-hyeok, Kim Chun-taek, Yi Jin-myeong, Yi Hu-seong, Yi Gi-jeong, , Yi Dong-beon, Byeon Jin-yeong, Yu Bok-gi, Yi Si-do, Yi Si-hoe, and others were arrested. Among them, Yi Si-do, a military officer from a wealthy provincial family, falsely confessed that the father and son Han Jung-hyeok (Soron) had planned to frame the three great commanders of the Namin (the , the Suoyeong, and the ) for plotting to install the royal kinsman as king, and that Han Jung-hyeok had said that would surely be delighted if he learned of this plan. Sukjong was enraged, permitted Yi Si-do to be tortured even more severely, and expanded the investigation. During this process, the defendants asserted that , , and , daughters of and aunts of Sukjong, had joined the plot to effect a power change in alliance with , the Noron leader. Upon this, and the Namin together memorialized the throne that the three princesses had to be punished severely, and it became difficult for even the family of , Sukjong's younger sister, to avoid death.
On the 29th day of the 3rd month, the Confucian scholar Kim In submitted a denunciation (고변서) stating that Sinchon magistrate Yun Hui (尹憘),훈국 별장 (Training Command Special Captain) Seong Ho-bin, and others were plotting treason, that Jang Hui-jae was involved, that Min Am, O Si-bok, and Mok Chang-myeong were connected with them, and that he had personally witnessed Jang Hui-jae in 1693 paying money to the family of Sukbin Choe's (then Sukwon) aunt on her mother's side to induce them to poison Choe while she was pregnant.7 Upon this, Min Am and Jang Hui-jae appealed to Sukjong that they had been wronged, and Sukjong consoled them, saying that Kim In's denunciation was baseless and that he did not believe it.8
However, on the next day, the 1st day of the 4th month,9 Sukjong suddenly removed the ruling Namin, the party in power, from politics entirely, and reverted the government to the Soron, who had been pushed into the opposition, while partially restoring the Noron, who had been expelled during the Gisa Hwanguk, and assigning them to handle investigations against the Namin. This is called the Gabsul Hwanguk.10 It resembled the Gisa Hwanguk of 1689: at that time, Sukjong expelled the Noron, the ruling party, and placed the Soron, who had been persecuted by the Noron since the division of 1683, in power, while restoring the Namin, who had been expelled in the Gyeongsin Hwanguk of 1680 and massacred as traitors by the Seoin (including the Noron),11 to handle investigations against the Noron. The difference is that in 1689 the Namin handled investigations against the Noron and carried out retaliatory punishments, while the Soron led moderate punishments of the Noron, which ultimately resulted in the Namin becoming the ruling party and the Soron being pushed into opposition. After the Gabsul Hwanguk, however, Soron rule was maintained until the Sinsa Hwanguk of 1701.12 This was partly because Sukjong was wary of the Noron, but also because the Noron who returned to politics in part after the Gabsul Hwanguk, like the Soron who had become the ruling party during the Gisa Hwanguk but were eventually pushed into opposition, had leaders of the faction who were supposed to lead it declare that they had no interest in politics, decline office, and retire to the countryside.
Because the records are unclear, no precise definition of the causes of the Gabsul Hwanguk has been established, and only divided opinions exist. One view defines it as having been carried out by Sukjong in order to restore Queen Inhyeon, but this is based on the novel Queen Inhyeon-jeon, written from the standpoint of Queen Inhyeon, and on unofficial histories, and when the facts recorded in official histories such as the Seungjeongwon Ilgi are checked in chronological order, it can be seen to be fiction. Recently it has been interpreted that Sukjong did not cause the purge due to a change in his affection for Queen Inhyeon and Consort Hui Jang, but rather alternately employed the factions of the two women without any specific cause in order to strengthen his royal authority.
Aftermath
After the Gabsul Hwanguk changed the government, Sukjong on the 2nd day of the 4th month13 proclaimed that anyone who mentioned the deposed one (廢人: Queen Inhyeon) or who made statements threatening the spirit tablet of the crown prince would be charged with high treason, firmly expressing his unwillingness to replace the queen.
“Those who, as the remnant of the fierce ministers' wicked faction, cause agitation in the national foundation (國本: the crown prince), and those who plead on behalf of the deposed one 【referring to the Central Palace】, Hong Chi-sang14, and Yi Sa-myeong15, shall be judged under the law of treason; those who plead on behalf of Yi Sang16 shall be decided under heavy law. Proclaim this intention clearly to the court and the country.”
— Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), 5th article
Also, on the 1st day of the 4th month, when the Gabsul Hwanguk broke out and the Namin were severely punished and expelled en masse, Jang Hui-jae, who had long been on close terms with Min Am, voluntarily requested punishment, but Sukjong consoled him and told him to carry out his duties with a calm mind.17
However, on the 11th day of the 4th month, Sukjong suddenly charged Jang Hui-jae with abuse of authority18, stripped him of office, and had him arrested.19 At the same time, he ordered that Deposed Queen Min (Queen Inhyeon) be moved to the Western Palace (西宮)20 (i.e., relocated) the very next day without choosing an auspicious date, and that guards (= escorts) be immediately assigned to the private residence of Deposed Queen Min.21 This demonstrates that by this day Sukjong had resolved to restore her. Then, on the next day, the 12th day of the 4th month, Sukjong restored Deposed Queen Min (Queen Inhyeon) as queen, and at the same time, citing the Joseon national law that a country cannot have two national mothers, ordered Queen Jang (Consort Hui Jang) to be demoted to her former title.22 Regarding the internal circumstances of this affair, Min Jin-won recorded in his private work Danam Mangnok that Sukbin Choe went to Sukjong's quarters in the middle of the night and tearfully appealed that Jang Hui-jae had indeed attempted to poison her, and that this appeal succeeded.23
Following the restoration of Queen Inhyeon and the demotion of Consort Hui Jang, the Noron and the Soron, who had united during the Gabsul Hwanguk, came into strong opposition. The Noron aimed at restoring Queen Inhyeon, while the Soron aimed at keeping Consort Hui Jang as queen and having Queen Inhyeon, now a commoner, lodged in a separate palace to spend her remaining years in peace.
"The Noron faction wants to restore the deposed queen, and the Soron faction wants to move the deposed queen to a separate palace." — Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), 2nd article
When Sukjong ordered the restoration, Seomun Jung, Minister of War, together with Vice Minister of Personnel Park Tae-sang and others, gathered people and argued, "Between nine years and six years, and between having a son and not having a son, which is more important and which is less?" This implied that although Queen Inhyeon had been queen longer than Consort Hui Jang, Consort Hui Jang, the birth mother of the crown prince, was more honored. The Royal Secretariat (政院) declared that it could not carry out the order until it had deliberated carefully with the court officials and the public, and that it refused to comply.24 Amid a violent dispute between the Noron, who argued that the restoration of Queen Inhyeon was proper, and the Soron, who argued it was improper,25 on the 16th day of the 4th month, representative Soron figures such as Right State Councillor Yun Ji-wan, Minister of Works Shin Ik-sang, Vice Mayor of Hanseong Im Sang-won, and Vice Minister of War Yi Yu collectively submitted letters of resignation.26 The situation was serious, because Sukjong had filled the central government with Soron after the Gabsul Hwanguk. Six days later, on the 17th day of the 4th month, Nam Gu-man, Chief State Councillor and leader of the Soron, mediated for the Soron, saying, "The royal command has already been issued, and it is not proper for a son to discuss the mother's (national mother's) faults and argue about whether to expel her again." The matter was concluded with Queen Inhyeon being restored as queen. However, Nam Gu-man's remark that he was glad of Queen Inhyeon's restoration and sad about the demotion of Consort Hui Jang offended the Noron. Afterward he obstructed the Noron repeatedly, protecting Soron officials who had strongly opposed Queen Inhyeon's restoration and preventing the Noron from removing Jang Hui-jae. As a result, Nam Gu-man too was classified as a member of the Noron faction.27
On the 1st day of the 6th month, Queen Inhyeon held a new enthronement ceremony and was able to resume the position of queen.28 However, Yun Jeung, founder of the Soron, honored and addressed Queen Inhyeon and Consort Hui Jang equally, following the precedent of the left and right empresses of the old dynasty.29 Right State Councillor Yun Ji-wan, although a member of the same family as Queen Inhyeon,30 took a letter of resignation and met with Sukjong to request that Consort Hui Jang be granted a title equivalent to that of a queen, to bestow on her honors suitable to her status; for several years he did not offer the queen's rites to Queen Inhyeon.3132 Soron figures such as Seomun Jung and Park Man-jeong successively memorialized the throne asking that a new title equivalent to that of a queen be created for Consort Hui Jang. Even in official business, the Soron refused to address Consort Hui Jang by a consort's title and instead referred to her indirectly as "a certain place" (某處).33 These circumstances became the background for the Mugo Ok (Witchcraft Incident), which erupted when, in 1701, after two years of illness, Queen Inhyeon died and the restoration of Consort Hui Jang became inevitable, and when Sukbin Choe made the accusation. The Mugo Ok allowed the Noron, the faction of Queen Inhyeon, to monopolize power temporarily. Under the mediation of the Soron Choe Seok-hang and others, who from 1699 had advocated the Tangpyeong policy (balanced policy), a small number of Namin who had returned to court were recast as the traitors who had conspired with Consort Hui Jang in the Gisa Hwanguk to depose Queen Inhyeon, were expelled again, and were removed from politics until the accession of Jeongjo; this became the cause.34 The Soron, who had argued for the innocence or light punishment of Consort Hui Jang and for a moderate policy and balanced policy toward the Namin, were also classified by the Noron as traitorous, nearly receiving severe punishment and being permanently expelled from politics, so their feelings hardened into a bitter enmity that could not be reconciled. Afterward, the Soron supported the crown prince (Gyeongjong), while the Noron supported Yeonin-gun (Yeongjo), son of Sukbin Choe, and they competed with each other. This became the trigger for the Sinim Sahwa under Gyeongjong, the Yi Injwa Rebellion under Yeongjo, the Naju Wall Poster Incident, and the Toyeok Gyeonggwa Tuseo Incident.
Other
In the novel Queen Inhyeon-jeon, the cause of the Gabsul Hwanguk is depicted as Sukjong carrying out the restoration of Queen Inhyeon, whom he had long longed for, because he could no longer endure the wickedness of Consort Hui Jang. The Sumun-rok written by Yi Mun-jeong35 also depicts Sukjong, who had regretted replacing the queen since shortly after the Gisa Hwanguk because he was disgusted by the viciousness of Consort Hui Jang, witnessing Consort Hui Jang beating Sukbin Choe, who was pregnant, to death, and so launching the purge in order to expel Consort Hui Jang from the queenship. However, when the chronological analysis of the official records is made, it is difficult to regard Sukjong as having carried out the purge to restore Queen Inhyeon, and the same is true of Sukjong's conduct before and after the restoration of Queen Inhyeon.
Notes
Content notes
Reference notes
This document contains text based on the article "〈〈Yangban Bureaucratic Re-division〉〉" from the Global World Encyclopedia, distributed under the GFDL or CC-SA license by Daum Communications (now Kakao).
Notes
Footnotes
嬖人 refers to a concubine favored by the king, and may also be written 廢寵 or 廢姬. At the time, it referred to Sukbin Choe, who was Sukjong's only concubine. ↩
This term refers to the maternal and paternal relatives of the royal family. The Sillok article of that day named only Jang Hui-jae, but all related articles on the incident include Sukjong's three aunts (Sukan, Sukmyeong, Sukhui). ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 23rd day of the 3rd month (Sinyu), 1st article ↩
Seungjeongwon Ilgi, Sukjong 20th year, 25th day of the 3rd month (Gyehae), original vol. 356 / transcribed vol. 18 (16/20) ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 26th day of the 3rd month (Gapja), 2nd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), 2nd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 29th day of the 3rd month (Jeongmyo), 1st article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 29th day of the 3rd month (Jeongmyo), 3rd article ↩
In 1694 there was an intercalary month, so the 29th day of the lunar 3rd month was the last day of the 3rd month. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), 1st through 5th articles ↩
The primary cause of the Noron–Soron division was discomfort with the suspicions surrounding the Gyeongsin Hwanguk (1680) and the near-indiscriminate massacre of the Namin. Some Seoin Sandang members (who later became Soron) who led the efforts to save the Namin and advocated moderate punishment became disillusioned when, through the Heosae Incident (1681), the suspicion (collusion between the in-law Kim Seok-ju of the former Hanbang Seoin and Song Si-yeol, leader of the Sandang) was confirmed to be true. In other words, for the Namin the Soron were part of the Seoin Sandang, the hostile faction that had dethroned them and seized power, but they were also the ones who had led efforts to save them and advocated moderate punishment, while the Noron were enemies. ↩
The Noron were given authority over the investigation of the Mugo Ok, and their leader at that time was Yi Se-baek (then Left State Councillor), the paternal cousin of Yeongbin Kim (then Gwiin), whom Queen Inhyeon had designated before her death as the next queen. Since the Soron had supported Consort Hui Jang since the restoration of Queen Inhyeon, they came into conflict with Sukjong over suspicions about the Mugo Ok and efforts to save Consort Hui Jang. Their leaders and key figures were dismissed or exiled, and they were temporarily pushed out of politics. When Jang committed suicide, the Soron resigned en masse, and so the Noron temporarily rose to power as the ruling party. ↩
The Sukjong Sillok records it as an article of the 1st day of the 4th month of the lunar calendar, while the Seungjeongwon Ilgi records it as an article of the 2nd day of the 4th month. ↩
Maternal cousin of Sukjong, son of Princess Sukan and uncle by marriage of Yeongbin Kim, Sukjong's concubine. After the Gisa Hwanguk, it was discovered that he had attempted, together with Yi Sa-myeong, to falsely accuse Prince Dongpyeong of treason against the king. He was arrested, but on the testimony of Sim Gwon and Yi Jing-myeong, it was revealed that in 1687 he had, together with his niece Yeongbin Kim, created and spread false scandals about Jo Sa-seok and the mother of Consort Hui Jang. Yeongbin Kim was consequently demoted to commoner, and Hong Chi-sang was executed by hanging, together with other crimes (three false accusations). Hong Tae-yu, son of Hong Chi-sang, tried to shift guilt in order to save his father; Sim Jeong-bo (Princess Sukmyeong's son and another uncle by marriage of Yeongbin Kim) was demoted to commoner and exiled, but in 1692, at the request of the ailing Princess Sukmyeong, he was specially pardoned. ↩
Elder brother of Yi I-myeong (son-in-law of Kim Man-jung) of the Four Noron Ministers, and cousin of Yi Geon-myeong. During the Gyeongsin Hwanguk, together with Kim Seok-ju, Min Jeong-jung, and Kim Man-jung, he led the harsh punishment of the Namin, and in the process did not hesitate to use cunning, earning the resentment of the Namin. After the Gisa Hwanguk, he was arrested and interrogated for falsely accusing and killing Yi Si-su. In Sukjong's 9th year, it was revealed that he had fabricated a false letter mentioning the outbreak of war and fabricated testimony in a scheme to exterminate the Namin and seize military power, and it was additionally revealed that together with his relative Hong Chi-sang he had tried to falsely accuse royal kinsman Prince Dongpyeong of treason. Subsequently, it was revealed that Hong Chi-sang had fabricated the scandal about Jo Sa-seok, who had mocked Sukjong inside the palace in 1687, and that Yi Sa-myeong had passed it to Kim Man-jung, and he was executed. ↩
Brother-in-law of the elder sister-in-law of Queen Inhyeon, and maternal cousin of Queen Inhyeon (Song Byeong-mun, grandson of Song Jun-gil); and the paternal grandfather-in-law of Kim Je-gyeom (grandson of Kim Su-hang, son of Kim Chang-jip). The phrase in the Sukjong Sillok Bogwol Jeongo that "Min Jin-hu, drawn by private feelings because (Yi Sang) was his relative by marriage, did not heed the prohibition and immediately requested his vindication, so public opinion was surprised" shows that their relationship was special. ↩
Seungjeongwon Ilgi, Sukjong 20th year, 1st day of the 4th month (Musin), original vol. 356 / transcribed vol. 18 (6/10) ↩
Yi Si-do, a prisoner under interrogation, was sentenced to exile, and at night went to the house of Jang Hui-jae with four servants and attempted to assassinate him with a knife, but failed. Jang Hui-jae did not report this to the government office, but sent Yi Si-do to the police station, where he was punished to reveal his backers, and then quietly released him. Upon his release, Yi Si-do immediately appeared at the Saheonbu (Office of the Inspector-General), and reported that, before leaving for exile, he had stopped by the private residence of Jang Hui-jae to say farewell. Jang Hui-jae comforted him and served him a farewell drink, but suddenly struck him in the chest, and because he had been dragged away without guilt and beaten with a rod, his toes were broken. After investigating this, the Royal Secretariat reported the matter to Sukjong, and Yi Si-do, who should have been sent into exile, was again arrested and strictly interrogated for leading men to the residence of the Commander of the Police to plot an assassination. Jang Hui-jae was given provisional dismissal for releasing Yi Si-do on his own without reporting his crime to the state and for privately inflicting punishment; on the 8th day of the 4th month he was removed from the post of Commander of the Police on the recommendation of Ryu Jip-il, Jangnyeong. On the 11th day of the 4th month, Sukjong suddenly sided with Yi Si-do's claims, imposed exile on Jang Hui-jae for beating Yi Si-do with a rod when Yi Si-do should have been exiled, and urgently transferred him to the Uigeumbu. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 11th day of the 4th month (Muin), 8th article ↩
This is Gyeongun Palace (慶運宮, now Deoksugung), where Queen Inmok, the second wife of Seonjo, was confined. After Queen Inhyeon was made a commoner, Gwon Dae-un and the Namin and Soron, saying that to keep a former national mother among commoners would diminish the dignity of the royal house, memorialized the throne several times asking that the deposed queen be allowed to spend her remaining years in a separate palace and that her food and clothing be provided by the palace, following the precedent of Song Renzong for an empress deposed in such a way. However, these were not carried out because of Sukjong's firm opposition. Yet on the 9th day of the 4th month, ten days after the Gabsul Hwanguk, Sukjong suddenly invoked the precedent of Song Renzong and permitted Deposed Queen Min to spend her remaining years in the Western Palace, assigning one guard to her. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 11th day of the 4th month (Muin), 3rd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 12th day of the 4th month (Gimyo), 6th article ↩
The accusation by Kim In and the testimony of Choe, that Jang Hui-jae had paid 50 nyang to Hae-seong, the elder brother-in-law on her maternal side of Sukbin Choe, and had caused Bong-yeong, Choe's maternal aunt, to enter the palace and make Choe (then Sukwon) eat poisoned food so as to poison her, were all shown to be false on the 2nd day of the intercalary 5th month, based on the results of the interrogation of Choe's maternal aunt's family, who had been brought in at the strong insistence of the Soron. It was revealed that Bong-yeong had not even entered the palace at the time of Choe's childbirth, that outside food not permitted in the palace could not be brought in, so that the accusation as described was impossible to carry out, and that the only relative who had survived by clinging to the royal concubine had been given a mere 50 nyang in order to poison the king's only concubine while pregnant. Setting aside human sentiment, this sum could not be reconciled even with market prices. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 26, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 13th day of the 4th month (Gyeongjin), 2nd article ↩
This content is omitted from the Sukjong Sillok but is recorded in the Seungjeongwon Ilgi entries from the 12th to the 16th day of the 4th month. ↩
Seungjeongwon Ilgi, Sukjong 20th year, 16th day of the 4th month (Gyemi), original vol. 356 / transcribed vol. 18 ↩
Nam Gu-man was a relative of Queen Inhyeon; Lady Nam, the wife of Queen Inhyeon's cousin-in-law (eldest daughter-in-law of Min Jeong-jung and wife of Min Jin-jang), was Nam Gu-man's paternal cousin. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 27, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 1st day of the 6th month (Jeongyu), 3rd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 27, 20th year (1694 Gabsul / Qing Kangxi 33), 3rd day of the 10th month (Jeongyu), 5th article ↩
Yun Ji-wan was the younger brother of Yun Ji-seon, the father-in-law of Min Jin-won, and was the uncle of the husband of Queen Inhyeon's second sister-in-law. ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 28, 21st year (1695 Eulhae / Qing Kangxi 34), 30th day of the 3rd month (Sinmyo), 3rd article ↩
Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Sukjong vol. 29, 21st year (1695 Eulhae / Qing Kangxi 34), 3rd day of the 8th month (Imjin), 1st article ↩
Although the Namin received official posts in the late reign of Yeongjo, when Jeongjo acceded, Namin of fifth rank or higher could be counted on the fingers of one hand, so this was merely superficial. ↩
Yi Mun-jeong was a cousin of Yeongbin Kim (a first cousin once removed on her maternal side), and was the grandson of Yi Jang-yeong, younger brother of Yi Jeong-yeong, the maternal grandfather of Yeongbin Kim. Yi Jin-yu, the younger cousin on the maternal side of Yeongbin Kim and first cousin of Yi Mun-jeong, along with his brother, had opposed the investiture of the crown prince-consort and was the chief advocate, at the forefront, of executing the Four Noron Ministers during the Sinim Sahwa. After the accession of Yeongjo, the family nearly collapsed due to concentrated attacks by the Noron. However, because Yi Jeong-yeong had been of the Noron faction that shared views with Kim Seok-ju and Min Jeong-jung during the Gyeongsin Daechulcheok, and because the maternal family of Yeongbin Kim, who had exerted considerable influence in Yeongjo's accession, perhaps helped, only Yi Jin-yu and his brother were punished. Yi Mun-jeong, whose original name had been Yi Jin-jeong, changed the clan generation character Jin (眞) to Mun (文), stated that Yi Jin-yu's brothers were treacherous and had long been avoided, and wrote the Sumun-rok, which depicts Consort Hui Jang as a wicked woman and beautifies Sukbin Choe, the birth mother of Yeongjo, as a heroine. ↩