Won Sa-ung (元士雄, 1575 – before 1646) was a military officer of the Joseon period, the son of the military man and Gyeongsang Right Naval Commander Won Gyun. He is generally known to have died in battle in 1597 together with his father during the Imjin War, but in fact he did not die at that time and is presumed to have died before 1646. His courtesy name was Daegi (大器), his family seat was Wonju (原州), and his enfeoffed noble title was Lord Wonseong (原城君).1
After passing the Military examination, his official career reached the rank of Chief of Hullyeonwon, and after his death he was recorded as a 2nd-class Seonmu Wonjong merit subjects.2 Records in the Meritorious Subjects' Covenant Register and the Seungjeongwon Ilgi show that in the 9th month of 1628 Won Sa-ung was promoted to Gabui Daebu,3 but in the 12th month he was demoted again to Gaseon Daebu.4
Apart from being the son of Won Gyun, Won Sa-ung is a figure about whom most records are controversial. The arguments of those who defend Yi Sun-sin and those who defend Won Gyun are opposed to each other, and he is one of the most controversial figures among those related to the Imjin War. No record concerning Won Sa-ung can be fully trusted.
Life
Won Sa-ung was born in 1575 as the second son of Won Gyun, Gyeongsang Right Naval Commander, and Lady Paepyeong Yun. He was the grandson of Won Jun-ryang, a Provincial military commander who was posthumously conferred the title of Chief State Councillor. From an early age he was skilled in archery and horsemanship, and when the Imjin War broke out in 1592 he followed his father, Won Gyun, to the battlefield.
He served as a temporary attendant officer (sahu jang) of the Gyeongsang Right Naval Command, and in the 4th month of 1594 he presented to the King 70 matchlock muskets that Won Gyun and others had seized from the Gyeongsang Right Naval Command, and for this special reward he was also promoted.
After Yi Sun-sin, Gyeongsang Left Naval Commander, slandered him as the 12-year-old son of a concubine, and as the attacks against him became very severe, he went to the temporary royal residence (haengjaeso) with a memorial to clarify the matter. King Seonjo summoned him specially when he pleaded his innocence, granted him food and drink, and gave him an audience in person, and afterwards he was appointed Chief of Hullyeonwon. **"He claims this, but no related material can be found in official records such as the Veritable Records of King Seonjo or the Seungjeongwon Ilgi, nor in any other unofficial historical sources. Only in the genealogy of the Won family can one confirm the statement that he received gifts from the King, and there is no related historical material at all for the record that he was beaten with rods.
On 19 June 1597, during the Battle of Chilcheollyang, he is generally known to have died while protecting his father, Won Gyun, but in fact he did not die at that time and died in 1646. Moreover, since he passed the military examination after the Imjin War, there is no possibility that he died in battle.
He was posthumously conferred the 2nd-class Seonmu Wonjong merit subjects (宣武原從功臣二等).
Controversies and Suspicions
Suspicions of Death
The Won clan genealogy of Wonju records that Won Sa-ung died in battle on June 19, 1597, at the Battle of Chilchonryang, while protecting his father Won Gyun. However, official records such as the Sipgugong sinhoe maengnok (十九功臣會盟錄) and the Seungjeongwon ilgi (承政院日記) show him alive and well both before and after that date.
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Oct. 28, 1604: After the investiture of the Three Meritorious Subjects of Loyal Support, Pacification, and Suppression of Rebellion, recorded in the Sipogongsin hoemaengnok (十五功臣會盟錄). Jeongheon daebu (正憲大夫), Jisungchubu-sa (知中樞府事), posthumously Jeunggyo chung-jang ui jeok-ui hyeop-ryeok seonmu gongsin (贈效忠仗義迪毅協力宣武功臣), Sungnok daebu (崇祿大夫), Uijeongbu jwachanseong (議政府左贊成), concurrently Gyeombangeuiguksa (兼判義禁府事), Wonreung-gun (原陵君) Won Gyun's eldest legitimate son, Eomo janggun (禦侮將軍), Hunryeonwon-jeong (訓鍊院正), subject (臣) Won Sa-ung (元士雄).
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Mar. 12, 1613: After the investiture of the Four Meritorious Subjects of Wiseong, Iksa, Jeongun, and Hyeongnan, recorded in the Sipgu gong hoemaengnok (十九功臣會盟錄). Seonmu gongsin (宣武功臣) Won Gyun's eldest son (長子) Jeolchung janggun (折衝將軍), Haeng yongyang-wi buhogun (行龍驤衛副護軍), subject (臣) Won Sa-ung (元士雄).
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Apr. 17, 1625: After the investiture of the Two Meritorious Subjects of Jeongsa and Jinmu, recorded in the Sipchil gong hoemaengnok (十七功臣會盟錄). Seonmu gongsin (宣武功臣) Won Gyun's eldest son (長子) Jeolchung janggun (折衝將軍), Jeon cheomji jungchubu-sa (前僉知中樞府事), subject (臣) Won Sa-ung (元士雄).
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Sept. 13, 1628: After the investiture of the Two Meritorious Subjects of Somu and Yeongsa, recorded in the Sipgu gong hoemaengnok (十九功臣會盟錄). Seonmu gongsin (宣武功臣) Won Gyun's eldest son (長子) Gayeon daebu (嘉善大夫), Wonseong-gun (原城君), subject (臣) Won Sa-ung (元士雄).
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Sept. 3, 1646: After the investiture of the Yeongguk meritorious subject, recorded in the Isipgong hoemaengnok (二十功臣會盟錄). Seonmu gongsin (宣武功臣) Won Gyun's grandson (長孫) Jeollyeok buwi (展力副尉), Haeng chungjwaui busayong (行忠佐衛副司勇), subject (臣) Won Pil (元珌).
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Aug. 30, 1680: After the investiture of the Bosa meritorious subjects, recorded in the Isipgong hoemaengnok (二十功臣會盟錄). The record was annulled on July 25, 1689, and restored on Oct. 12, 1694. Seonmu gongsin (宣武功臣) Won Gyun's grandson (長孫) Seonryak janggun (宣略將軍), Haeng chungjwaui busagwa (行忠佐衛副司果), subject (臣) Won Pil (元珌).
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July 18, 1728: After the investiture of the Bunmu meritorious subjects, recorded in the Isipil gong hoemaengnok (二十一功臣會盟錄). Seonmu gongsin (宣武功臣) Won Gyun's grandson (長孫) Haksaeng (學生), subject (臣) Won Jin-seo (元震瑞).
Moreover, the Won clan genealogy published in 1720 does not record Won Sa-ung as having died in battle.1
(20th generation) Son Sa-ung (士雄, inheriting the legitimate line), courtesy name Daegi (大器), born in the year Eulhae (乙亥), in the Ten Stems and Twelve Branches cycle (1575). During the Imjin War he followed Wonreung-gun's army and earned many merits in capturing and seizing enemies, but slanderous rumors were excessive. To clear his name, he carried a written report to the royal temporary residence (行在所), where he was specially received in audience, was given food, and was personally addressed by the king. He was immediately appointed Hunryeonwon-jeong (訓正). After the enemy was pacified, he was invested as a Second-Class Meritorious Subject. Later, he passed the military examination and rose to the post of Dongji Jungchubu-sa (同知中樞府事). He succeeded to the title of Wonseong-gun (原城君). He married the daughter of Gu Samrak (具三樂) of Neungju, a Manho (萬戶), and had one son. He then married the daughter of Seong Yeohak (成汝學) of Changnyeong, and had one son. His tomb is on the western slope (酉坐) of Mount Masan in Jinwi-hyeon (振威縣).
(Translation) Hmm, the citation above is the original (1720); translation: Son Sa-ung (承嫡), courtesy name Daegi (大器), born in the year Eulhae (1575). During the Imjin War, he followed Wonreung-gun's army and earned many merits in capturing enemies. However, slanderous rumors were excessive, so to clear his name he took a written report to the royal temporary residence, where he was specially received in audience, given food, and personally addressed by the king. He was immediately appointed Hunryeonwon-jeong. After the enemy was pacified, he was invested as a Second-Class Meritorious Subject (Seonmu Wonjong). Later he passed the military examination and rose to the rank of Dongji Jungchubu-sa, and he succeeded to the title of Wonseong-gun. He married Gu Samrak, daughter of Manho Gu Samrak of Neungju, and had one son. He then married Seong Yeohak's daughter of Changnyeong and had one son. His tomb is on the western slope of Mount Masan in Jinwi-hyeon.
In 1921, a genealogy was published that, for the first time, records Won Sa-ung as having died in battle.5
(20th generation) Son Sa-ung (士雄), courtesy name Daegi (大器), born in the year Eulhae of King Seonjo's reign (1575). He passed the military examination, rose to the post of Dongjung-chungbu-sa (同中樞, Second Rank), and succeeded to the title of Wonseong-gun. He died a martyr's death on the day of the seventh month of the Jeongyu year (1597), in the thirtieth year of King Seonjo's reign. During the Imjin War he followed Commander-General Gong (統制使公), who earned many merits in capturing enemies, but slanderous rumors were very loud. To clear his name, he carried a written report to the royal temporary residence, where he was specially received in audience, given food, and personally addressed by the king. He was appointed Hunryeonwon-jeong. After the enemy was pacified, he was invested as a Second-Class Meritorious Subject. His wife was from the Neungseong Gu clan; her father was Manho Samrak. His second wife was from the Changnyeong Seong clan; her father was Yeohak. His tomb is on the western slope of Mount Masan in Jinwi-hyeon.
(Translation) Son Sa-ung, courtesy name Daegi, born in the year Eulhae of King Seonjo's reign (1575). He passed the military examination and rose to the rank of Dongjung-chungbu-sa (Second Rank). He succeeded to the title of Wonseong-gun. He died a martyr's death on a day in the seventh month of the year Jeongyu (1597), in the thirtieth year of King Seonjo's reign. During the Imjin War he followed Commander Gong, who earned many merits in capturing enemies, but slanderous rumors were very loud. To clear his name, he carried a written report to the royal temporary residence, where he was specially received in audience, given food, and personally addressed by the king. He was appointed Hunryeonwon-jeong. After the enemy was pacified, he was invested as a Second-Class Meritorious Subject. His wife was from the Neungseong Gu clan, whose father was Manho Samrak. His wife was from the Changnyeong Seong clan, whose father was Yeohak. His tomb is on the western slope of Mount Masan in Jinwi-hyeon.
Comparing this with the 1720 genealogy shows that, in order to insert the claim of death in battle, the record of his activities after the Imjin War was entirely deleted. Considering the changes in the Won clan genealogy and other official records, Won Sa-ung's death in the Imjin War appears to be a fabrication rather than a fact. As for his actual year of death, the succession discussed in connection with his death in 1646 suggests only that he probably died roughly before 1646.
Slander by Yi Sun-sin
At the time of the Imjin War, Won Sa-ung was an 18-year-old young man, but Yi Sun-sin slandered him as a 12-year-old child, which became a controversy.
The decisive break between his father Won Gyun and Yi Sun-sin was caused by Yi Sun-sin's report.6 He reported to the court that Won Sa-ung, a son born to a concubine of Won Gyun, was only 12 years old, yet Won Gyun had submitted a report as if he had merit in the war. Seeing this personal conflict as a crisis in which commanders would fall into internal strife on the eve of battle, King Seonjo even issued an edict stating, "The naval commanders are said to be not in harmony with one another; they should all abandon such habits."6
However, the matter was fully clarified by Yi Deok-hyeong, who was sent to investigate it. Won Gyun's only son, Won Sa-ung, was not born to a concubine but to his legitimate wife, and at that time he was 18 years old. He had followed his father to the battlefield, and had even cut down several enemies, earning merit. This fact became a decisive factor in the slander by which Yi Sun-sin had accused Won Gyun without verifying it. It was mentioned when Yi Sun-sin was imprisoned, and the court record in the Veritable Records states that Yi Sun-sin had dismissed Won Gyun.6 Afterward, King Seonjo developed a personal distrust of Yi Sun-sin.
In Yi Sun-sin's report, he stated that "Won Gyun wrongly placed on the list of meritorious persons a son who was barely ten years old."7 When investigated, however, Won Gyun's son Won Sa-ung turned out to be a fully grown young man, fully capable of achieving military merit. The dismissal of Yi Sun-sin from the post of Naval Commander was not due to "Won Gyun's slander of Yi Sun-sin," but was the result of a combination of this "slander by Yi Sun-sin of Won Gyun or Won Gyun's son," and the case in which he falsely reported to the court, as though it were his own strategy, the burning of the Japanese camp in Busan under the command of Yi Won-ik.7
Yi Sun-sin's report that Won Gyun's son was 12 years old was in fact about Won Gyun's ten-year-old son by a concubine. The legitimate son, Won Sa-ung, was 18 years old at the beginning of the Imjin War, and by the time of the war he was an adult in his twenties.
Rebuttal
However, the content written above is factually wrong. First, here is the initial report from Yi Deok-hyeong's investigation of Yi Sun-sin and Won Gyun.
Yi Deok-hyeong (李德馨) reported:
"At first, Yi Sun-sin slandered Won Gyun, saying, 'Won Gyun deceived the court. He arbitrarily put a 12-year-old child on the list of military merit.' Won Gyun said, 'My son is already 18 years old and has skill in archery and horsemanship.' The two were brought face to face; Won Gyun was upright, while Yi Sun-sin's account was evasive."
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However, the three-year-old records of Kim Su show that Yi Sun-sin had expressed dissatisfaction over Won Gyun's submission of merit for the ten-year-old son of a concubine. The son referred to in Yi Deok-hyeong's account, however, was Won Sa-ung, the son of a legitimate wife. In other words, Yi Sun-sin raised the issue of a son of a concubine, but Won Gyun countered by pointing to his legitimate son and turned the accusation back on Yi Sun-sin. Moreover, this testimony is again denied by Yi Deok-hyeong himself:
"I had never personally verified Yi Sun-sin's character, and had only exchanged letters with him once, so I did not know what kind of man he was. Earlier, I heard only Won Gyun's statement that his conduct was improper, and I thought he had ability but was less sincere and less courageous than others. However, when I entered this province and heard the people of the coastal areas, they all praised him, cherished him boundlessly, and held him in high regard. I also heard that after he entered Gogeum Island (古今島) in April of this year, he handled everything very well, so that in only three or four months the number of civilian households and the amount of military provisions became greater than when he had been at Hansan Island (閑山島) the previous year. Only then did I come to know that his talent was superior to others. Also, after I saw through the fact that Admiral Liu (劉提督) had no will to fight vigorously, I could not help relying entirely on the navy for the great affairs of the nation. Therefore, I frequently sent men to the Joosa (舟師) to have Yi Sun-sin arrange secret matters, and he swore by death to devote himself wholeheartedly to the country, and the plans he devised and carried out were all worthy of notice. Accordingly, I thought to myself that 'In matters of the Joosa, the nation has obtained an excellent commander and need have no anxiety.'
— Unfortunately, he has now died in battle, and it will be difficult to find another man like him to take charge of the Joosa affairs in the future. This is truly grievous. On the day the news of victory arrived, even the porters carrying grain, uneducated or old and weak as they were, mostly shed tears and even mourned one another when they heard of Yi Sun-sin's death. How could such a power to move people be a mere accident? Moreover, in all matters, including the handling of grain supplies, there are very many affairs requiring management, and if there is no one in charge for even a single morning, they will surely be lost entirely. I request that a new Naval Commander be appointed especially, so that he may manage these affairs wholeheartedly and comfort the soldiers so that they do not scatter. Yi Sun-sin's conduct in dying for the country was nothing to be ashamed of even before the famous generals of old. I ask that the court carry out special honors for his commendation."
— Thus it was reported, and it was forwarded to the Border Defense Council (備邊司).9
Contrary to the statement above, Yi Deok-hyeong himself never confronted Yi Sun-sin and only heard Won Gyun's words. Later, when he investigated again, he found that Won Gyun's words were wrong and that Won Gyun had slandered Yi Sun-sin. This is a document that shows as much.
There is one more document that proves this. According to Yun Hyu of the Southerner faction, author of the Baekho jeonseo (白湖全書), when Yi Won-ik (李元翼), who received this report as Chief Military Inspector (體察使), attempted to find evidence, he instead only confirmed that Yi Sun-sin was strongly loyal.10 Also, in the case of the burning of the Japanese camp, it is hard to say that Yi Sun-sin was at fault. First, the origin of the burning incident of the Japanese camp is as follows:
On the 27th of the twelfth month, the written report of Yi Sun-sin, Commander of the Naval Forces (統制使), was submitted as follows:
"Among my commanders, there are those with strategic thinking and courage, as well as officers and bodyguards (牙兵) skilled in archery and strength. They always stayed in camp, discussed plans with me morning and evening, tested their sincerity, made secret pacts together, and sent them to scout the enemy's situation. Recently, Magistrate Ahn Wi (安衛) of Geoje and officer Kim Nan-seo (金蘭瑞), together with officer Shin Myeong-hak (辛鳴鶴), repeatedly plotted in secret and secretly summoned Park Ui-geom (朴義儉) to join them in the plan. Park Ui-geom was very pleased and, together with Kim Nan-seo and the others, earnestly directed the plan, swearing and pledging on their lives. On the 12th of the same month, Kim Nan-seo and the others waited at night for the agreed time when a strong northwesterly wind blew suddenly. They set fire on the wind; the flames spread fiercely, and more than a thousand enemy houses, two warehouses full of gunpowder, weapons and miscellaneous goods, and granaries containing 26,000 sŏk of grain were burned all at once. Some twenty Japanese ships also caught fire in succession, and 24 Japanese were burned to death. This was the work of heaven, but it was mostly because Kim Nan-seo voluntarily joined the officers of the Joseon Envoy to Japan (通信使) and went back and forth to Japan without regard for his life, which is why we finally succeeded in this matter. Ahn Wi, who usually discussed plans, became indignant with righteous anger when the enemy was mentioned, and without regard for his own life, led his officers Kim Nan-seo and Shin Myeong-hak into the enemy camp, plotting in various ways, and burned the bandits' nest in one blow, causing the destruction of grain, weapons, fire-arms and other equipment, ships, and 34 Japanese burned to death. Although we could not kill all the great enemy at Busan, we broke the enemy's morale, which was also one of the strategies. Do Hundo (都訓導) Kim Deuk (金得) of the Gyeongsang Naval Command, who went back and forth to Japan, was staying at Busan and, seeing the burning that night, on the 12th of this month at the second watch set fire to the northwestern edge of the Japanese camp at Busan, reducing to ashes more than a thousand enemy houses, weapons, miscellaneous goods, fire-arms, equipment, and grain granaries without exception. Then the Japanese gathered and wailed, saying, 'In our homeland, when there was an earthquake, many died in collapsed houses, and now here we have met fire and reached this state; we do not know where we will die....' I cannot believe this word, but neither is it entirely impossible. Ahn Wi, Kim Nan-seo, Shin Myeong-hak and the others exerted themselves wholeheartedly and succeeded in the matter, which is very laudable. Since there are not just one or two secret matters we will handle in the future, I ask that they be specially rewarded to encourage the future."
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If this report is accurate, then on the eve of an escalation from a state of stalemate, Ahn Wi and the other officers set fire to the heart of the enemy camp, inflicting physical and psychological damage on the enemy. However, the following reports came up in succession, and problems began to arise.
Kim Jin-guk (金藎國), Left Secretary of the Ministry of Personnel (吏曹佐郞), submitted a written report:
"It is said that the Naval Commander Yi Sun-sin already reported the reason for burning the enemy's nest at Busan the other day. However, Chung Hui-hyeon (鄭希玄), an officer under the command of the Chief Military Inspector Yi Won-ik, had long been in Miryang (密陽) and other places as Assistant Defense Commander (助防將), so many of those who came and went into the enemy camp became his trusted men. The secret burning of the enemy camp was entirely planned by Yi Won-ik, who ordered Chung Hui-hyeon. Heo Su-seok (許守石), a Busan naval soldier and Chung Hui-hyeon's trusted man, who could come and go freely in the enemy camp, had a younger brother living under the walls of Busan camp, through whom he could arrange the plan. Chung Hui-hyeon went to Miryang, secretly plotted with Heo Su-seok, agreed on a date, sent him off, and returned to report to Yi Won-ik. While waiting for the date, Heo Su-seok hurried from Busan camp and reported the circumstances of the burning, and reports of it came in succession. So Yi Won-ik clearly learned that Heo Su-seok had carried it out. An officer of Yi Sun-sin, while transporting the Vice-Envoy's supply ships (卜物船), arrived at Busan just on the day the enemy camp was burned. He returned and reported to Yi Sun-sin, making it into his own merit; Yi Sun-sin originally did not know the circumstances of this matter, and so he sent the dispatch urgently. Heo Su-seok hopes for a reward, and Yi Won-ik also wants to rely on Heo Su-seok to plan something again. However, if a reward is given suddenly now, there is a fear that the secret will leak, so I ask that you instruct him to this effect and send him with generous silver. If the court grants rewards to the person who first reported Yi Sun-sin's dispatch without knowing these circumstances, it will surely stir jealousy in Heo Su-seok, and if the enemy hears such talk, they will strengthen their defenses even more. Then the planned action will not be possible. That is why Yi Won-ik ordered me to report to you. Also, since this secretly discussed matter is already contained in Yi Won-ik's report, I do not write it down in this dispatch."
Veritable Records of King Seonjo, vol. 84, 30th year of Seonjo's reign, Ming Wanli 25 (1597), 2nd day of the 1st month
Kim Jin-guk, Left Secretary of the Ministry of Personnel, submitted a written report: "Earlier, Naval Commander Yi Sun-sin reported to the court that he had secretly burned the military camp at Busan. Yi Won-ik told me, 'Officer Chung Hui-hyeon, while serving long as Assistant Defense Commander near the enemy's encampment, made Heo Su-seok, a naval soldier of Busan, his trusted man. Su-seok came and went into the enemy camp, and because his younger brother was in the Busan camp, he knew the enemy's situation well. At last he devised a plan with Su-seok, agreed on a date, and secretly burned the enemy's encampment. However, on that day an officer of Sun-sin's happened to arrive at Busan, and he first reported to Sun-sin and claimed the merit as his own. Sun-sin knew nothing of the matter and so reported it in that way. Now there is something we plan to do again with Su-seok; if we reward Su-seok with office, I fear the matter might leak, and if we give the merit to Sun-sin's officer, Su-seok will surely be resentful and the present plan will not succeed.'"
After Kim Jin-guk's report, the court, including the Border Defense Council, understood that Chung Hui-hyeon had led the burning of the enemy's camp at Busan. According to these words, Yi Sun-sin was deceived by his subordinate and made a false report. This was later very usefully employed as an attack on Yi Sun-sin for "deceiving the king," and it became one of the causes of his arrest and transport to the capital. However, if we examine the circumstances, there are many points showing that it is hard to see Yi Sun-sin as having been deceived by a subordinate into a false report. Above all, the peculiar point is that Yi Sun-sin was the only person who fell into difficulty and was punished because of this burning incident. Looking at the men who, in the place of Chung Hui-hyeon and Heo Su-seok, whom Yi Won-ik reported as having achieved merit, are said by Yi Sun-sin to have achieved merit, makes this clear.
First, nothing is recorded about Kim Nan-seo and Shin Myeong-hak apart from Yi Sun-sin's dispatch in the Veritable Records of King Seonjo. Excluding these two, Ahn Wi and Park Ui-geom remain, and neither of them was punished for the false report of the Busan camp burning. Looking first at Ahn Wi, he did not suffer any trouble because of this matter. On the contrary, he remained in his position even when Yi Sun-sin was arrested, and at the Battle of Myeongnyang, when Yi Sun-sin summoned the other commanders, he was the first to rush over and fight bravely, and he was even promoted to Right Naval Commander of Jeolla on that merit. This could not have happened if Ahn Wi had falsely reported his own merit. Moreover, Ahn Wi was a fifth-degree cousin of Jeong Yeo-rip (鄭汝立), and was once implicated in the Gichuk purge (己丑獄事, 1589), receiving a beating and being exiled to Pyeongan Province. (Veritable Records of King Seonjo, vol. 139, 34th year of Seonjo's reign (1601), 30th day of the 7th month.) If he had falsely reported such a matter and been accused of "taking another's merit without scruple as a relative of a traitor," then no matter how much a military officer in wartime was excused, there would be no way to survive even with ten lives.12 Yet he remained in his position, and afterwards, recognized for his merit at the Battle of Myeongnyang, he became Right Naval Commander of Jeolla, continuing to hold important posts in the navy. After the war, although he suffered trouble related to the Jeong Yeo-rip affair, the matter of this burning never became a problem for him. Next, let us examine the case of Park Ui-geom.
Chief State Councillor Yu Seong-ryong reported:
"If the envoy has crossed over and Park Ui-geom does not go and come at all, the situation will look like a refusal, and the enemy will surely become suspicious. Now I hear that Pyeong Jo-sin (平調信) is still staying there. It would be fine to have a skilled speaker ask, 'Why did the Heavenly Envoy go out?', and to have the interpreter go back and forth incessantly between the two sides to check and delay." The King said, "If you wish to investigate the enemy's situation, select a suitable man and send him." Yu Seong-ryong reported, "Jang Hui-chun (蔣希春) and Yi Gyeom-su (李兼受) would be suitable to send." Dongji Yun Seon-gak (尹先覺) reported, "It would be good to send Park Ui-geom in directly to attend." Kim Eung-nam reported, "It seems appropriate to say that Park Ui-geom accompanies the Chinese envoy in, and also to send a military official to bring back the envoy's reply document." The King said, "If Park Ui-geom has words to convey, it would also be fine to send an attendant to learn the circumstances."
Veritable Records of King Seonjo, vol. 76, 29th year of Seonjo's reign, Ming Wanli 24 (1596), 20th day of the 6th month
Considering the position and duties of Park Ui-geom, there is a strong possibility that he took part in the burning incident. This is because he went in and out of the Japanese camp together with Chinese envoys, and at the same time must have learned the circumstances inside and obtained high-level information, making him a man well able to grasp when and where to set fire. Moreover, compared with any other testimony, Yi Sun-sin's report describes the damage to the Japanese army in great detail, and one can infer that Park Ui-geom's role was large in this. Park Ui-geom, too, was not caught up in disputes over false merit, and seeing that he later played an important role following Chinese commanders, it is quite possible. Thus, it is evident that the person who actually made the false report escaped unharmed, and only Yi Sun-sin, his superior, was made the problem in this incident.
Now let us examine Kim Jin-guk's report. Kim Jin-guk was not originally sent for the purpose of investigating this matter. The following record shows this fact.
The King said:
"The difficulty the Secretaries feel is also right, but this present undertaking is not a usual mobilization of troops. The rumor that our nation is defending has already spread, so even if we mobilize troops quickly, the enemy will surely not be alarmed. The reason I earlier said that I would personally urge the troops was also for this purpose. Now mobilizing troops is one opportunity, and the fact that Heaven's will is like this is another opportunity. The only things I fear are that military secrets may leak, or that Japan may detain the Chinese generals. Even if we carry out what was earlier discussed, we cannot fail to inform the Deputy Commander-in-Chief and the Chief Military Inspector, so a civil official skilled in riding should be sent quickly to discuss it." Minister of Revenue Kim Su (金?) reported, "Kim Jin-guk should be sent." [Jin-guk passed the civil service examination at a young age, and his wisdom and talent were all excellent.] The King said, "Since he has an illness and I fear he will be delayed midway, it would be good to send another Nangcheong of the Border Defense Council to go together and instruct them. The time is precisely now; this is what Heaven has given."
Veritable Records of King Seonjo, vol. 83, 29th year of Seonjo's reign, Ming Wanli 24 (1596), 25th day of the 12th month
From this record it can be seen that Kim Jin-guk was dispatched not for the purpose of investigating the burning of the Japanese camp at Busan, but to announce and discuss the military operations meant to prepare for the full-scale renewed invasion by the Japanese army. The report on the burning incident was an incidental attachment in that process. And as this record says, Kim Jin-guk was still in Hanyang (Seoul) as late as the 25th day of the 12th month. Considering the transportation and communication speed of the time, and the date on which the written report was prepared (the 2nd day of the 1st month), it is hard to see that he grasped the situation properly and wrote the report. At the end of the memorial, Kim Jin-guk said, "Since the matters secretly discussed this time are already in Yi Won-ik's dispatch, I do not write them down," but the secretly discussed matters seem to have been the strategy established in view of the renewed Japanese invasion. Yi Won-ik's dispatch on this matter is not in the Veritable Records of King Seonjo, but it is included in the Veritable Records of King Seonjo (Revised) and in Yi Won-ik's collected works, the Oriji (梧里集).
Yi Won-ik (李元翼), Chief Military Inspector for the Eight Provinces, submitted a report.
"I consulted with Commander-in-Chief Kwon Yul (權慄) about the contents of the royal instruction that Kim Shin-guk (金藎國) brought. Kwon Yul said, 'In recent days, many of the enemy's nests in Busan have been burned, and to some extent this has gone according to the original plan. But attacking the Busan camp directly is truly something that cannot be undertaken rashly. We must wait until the navy gathers and then move at the right time.' I also think that attacking the Busan camp before the enemy's nests are burned and the Qing bandits cross over is truly a good opportunity. But if we advance hastily and there is even a one-in-ten-thousand chance of failure, it will be hard to regain our momentum. We should urgently have the navy first occupy Geoje (巨濟) to block the sea route, and advance by land while watching the situation. My opinion is the same as Kwon Yul's. I await only the court's orders. All other circumstances are in the contents Shin-guk has reported."
Veritable Records of King Seonjo (Revised), vol. 31, 30th year of Seonjo, 1st day of 1st month, 25th year of Wanli of Ming (1597)
Together with the memorandum brought by Right Secretary Kim Shin-guk and the reply from the Office of Military Affairs, I consulted with Commander-in-Chief Kwon Yul about the contents. Kwon Yul said, 'In recent days, many of the enemy's nests in Busan have been burned, and to some extent this has gone according to the original plan. But attacking the Busan camp directly is truly something that cannot be undertaken rashly. We must wait until the navy gathers and then move at the right time.' I also think that attacking the Busan camp before the enemy's nests are burned and the Qing bandits cross over is truly a good opportunity. (However,) judging the present situation, our side's preparations are not complete, and although the enemy's numbers are small, they cannot be taken lightly. If we advance hastily and there is even a one-in-ten-thousand chance of failure, it will be hard to regain our momentum. We should urgently have the navy first occupy Geoje (巨濟) to block the sea route, and advance by land while watching the situation. My opinion is the same as Kwon Yul's. I await only the court's orders. All other circumstances were sent up by Kim Shin-guk. (His Majesty, having read this,) ordered the Office of Military Affairs to act on the report (approval of the memorial's contents).
Collected Works of Ohri, Supplement vol. 2, Memorials section: memorial submitted during tenure as Chief Military Inspector of the Four Provinces [4th day of the 1st month of the year Jeongyu (1597)]
The Veritable Records of King Seonjo (Revised) gives the date this memorial arrived as the 1st day of the 1st month, but considering the date conventions of the Veritable Records of King Seonjo (Revised) (4), the date on which this memorial was written and sent appears to be the 4th day of the 1st month. Yet neither Yi Won-ik nor Kwon Yul makes any mention at all of whether Yi Sun-sin's report was false. Rather, they only show a positive response, saying that the plan went forward "to some extent." Let us now look at one more memorial. This is a memorial Yi Won-ik wrote and sent on the 26th day of the 12th month. It is not recorded in the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty, but it is included in the Collected Works of Ohri.
The naval strength has now begun to take shape, so the navy must be dispatched immediately. The Ming envoys and generals have already left Busan, so it is presumed that the enemy's ship traffic must be cut off. (If we delay,) there will be complications in the meantime, so the court must urgently give orders (issue commands). I have now arrived at Sacheon (泗川) and consulted with Naval Commander Yi Sun-sin. Although the ships carrying the forces of Konishi Yukinaga (行長) to and fro could not be intercepted and caught, it is considered appropriate to cut off and block them at the time when Kiyomasa (淸正) crosses the sea on another occasion. To this end, I first ordered Yi Sun-sin to take full command. Konishi and Kato have long hated each other, and Sun-sin intends to stir this up. However, there are no supplies in the camp, which makes this matter difficult to carry out smoothly. I have ordered the relevant offices to send some silver (銀子) to the Hansando camp. The silver I brought here has been used partly for military rewards and partly for arranging matters...... (omitted)...... I have urged the various offices to act quickly and ordered that nothing be left for later regret. (His Majesty, having read this,) ordered the Office of Military Affairs to act on it.
Collected Works of Ohri, Supplement vol. 2, Memorials section: memorial submitted during tenure as Chief Military Inspector of the Four Provinces [26th day of the 12th month of the year Byeongsin (1596)]
The memorial was written on the 26th day. Considering that the arson incident at the Busan camp took place on the 12th day of the 12th month, and that Yi Sun-sin's memorial reporting on it was written and sent on the 27th day of the 12th month, Yi Sun-sin and Yi Won-ik would both almost certainly have known about the matter by this time. Yet this text contains no mention at all of the burning of the Japanese camp at Busanpo. It only discusses plans to attack the enemy crossing the sea to block their sea routes ahead of the Japanese reinforcements, the sowing of discord among the Japanese military leadership, and matters concerning financial problems at the Hansando camp, and states that these were matters discussed with Yi Sun-sin. This is evidence that neither Yi Sun-sin nor Yi Won-ik had any possibility of deceiving the other side and reporting falsely to the throne.
Moreover, a remark by King Seonjo hints at the truth of this affair. On the 27th day of the 1st month of 1597, King Seonjo openly revealed his intention to remove Yi Sun-sin and transfer command of the navy to Won Gyun, and in the course of this the arson attack on the Busan Japanese camp was mentioned.
The King said,
"I do not know Yi Sun-sin's character in detail, but his nature seems to lack wisdom. Since the Imjin year, he has never once taken decisive action, and in this matter he did not seize the heaven-given opportunity. How can one who has broken the law be forgiven every time? He should be replaced by Won Gyun. Generals of China, beginning with Commander Yi, have all been people who do not deceive the court, and many of our own countrymen have followed their example. It is said that the burning of the Japanese camp was carried out by Kim Nan-seo (金鸞瑞) and An Wi (安衛) secretly agreeing to it, yet Yi Sun-sin acts as though he devised the plan himself, and I consider this highly improper. A man like that could not be forgiven even if he brought back Kiyomasa's (淸正) head."
Veritable Records of King Seonjo, vol. 84, 30th year of Seonjo, 1597 of Wanli of Ming (1597
It is difficult to take this remark of Seonjo at face value by simply quoting a fragment of it. King Seonjo was a ruler whose treatment of people, depending on political interests, swung between extreme favoritism and extreme hatred. Moreover, to borrow the words of Yi I (李珥, 1536–1584), he was a man whose "lack of magnanimity, unfairness, and excessive desire to win were ailments of temperament (mind)," and who "lacked virtue, was suspicious, and inconsistent." Accordingly, the same events were often exploited in a self-serving manner when later cited. This passage is no exception. Yet the part where Seonjo mentions the Japanese camp arson is important here. He does not accuse Yi Sun-sin of having "passed on his subordinate's false report without checking it and thereby deceived the court," but rather of having "falsely reported that what his subordinates did was carried out by his own strategy." However, when we reread the report Yi Sun-sin submitted, it clearly shows that "his subordinates devised the plan and set fire to the Japanese camp." He also said that An Wi, Sin Myeong-hak, Pak Ui-geom and others planned and carried it out together, and he did not say that he himself was involved. In a situation where it is clear that Yi Sun-sin was not deceived by his subordinates into making a false report, Seonjo tried to distort the content of the memorial (misrepresent it) and find a pretext for punishing Yi Sun-sin. In the end, the conclusion is that Yi Sun-sin did not make a false report.
But the problem does not end here. Later records show that Jeong Hui-hyeon and Heo Su-seok, who served under him, play a considerable role in this arson incident, and later he came to be perceived as the one who led the arson attack on the Busan Japanese camp. This means that he did not take credit for something he had not done, but rather had some role in this affair. How should this be interpreted? Here too, there is a clue in Yi Won-ik's report.
Right State Councillor Yi Won-ik reported,
"Captain Mo (茅遊擊) summoned me, dismissed those on his left and right, and at times wrote characters to show me, and at other times spoke in a low voice. He said, 'I met the Military Commissioner, and the Military Commissioner gave me instructions in secret words: "Report and carry out what you have secretly discussed with the Chief State Councillor." Now a reliable report has come, and it says that Kato Kiyomasa is at Sanum (山陰). If we eliminate this Japanese enemy, the rest will all collapse. Moreover, many of our own countrymen attach themselves to the Japanese and come and go, so we should especially offer a heavy reward, recruit trustworthy people, and send them poison to carry out the plan. This matter must not be neglected even by one in ten thousand. It must be kept in the strictest secrecy so that it is not exposed......'" Regarding this matter, when I was previously in Gyeongsang Province, I had Military Officer Jeong Hui-hyeon (鄭希賢) take charge of it entirely, and Hui-hyeon was in close contact with many people who attached themselves to the Japanese and came and went. The burning of the grain storehouse the other day was also done by Jeong Hui-hyeon, and among his group there must surely be many who still remain nearby. I ask that Jeong Hui-hyeon be sent money and poison under some other title, to arrange matters. Also, if we make an additional reward a public matter and take it along to quietly instruct his group, there may be a slim chance of success in one in ten thousand. It would not be harmful to try this, so I dare to report it." The King replied, "Do as you have proposed. It would be good to try what you have instructed. However, examine again and report why the Qing bandits are at Sanum."
Veritable Records of King Seonjo, vol. 97, 31st year of Seonjo, 26th year of Wanli of Ming (1598), 7th day of the 2nd month
It is true that Jeong Hui-hyeon was involved in this matter. That is, he too took part in the arson attack on the Busan Japanese camp, as is revealed by several records. However, his purpose differed from that of An Wi and Pak Ui-geom. For An Wi and Pak Ui-geom, the goal was simply to set fire to the Busan Japanese camp, whereas Jeong Hui-hyeon's goal was the "assassination of the enemy commander." Judging from the circumstances, it is presumed that Jeong Hui-hyeon, aiming at assassinating the enemy commander, colluded with Heo Su-seok and won over Japanese soldiers within the Japanese camp who were in contact with them, and planned the operation, and that An Wi and Pak Ui-geom joined in and jointly plotted it. This is confirmed in the part of Yi Sun-sin's memorial that says, "While waiting for the agreed time, a strong northwest wind happened to blow, and so we set fires according to the wind." In other words, the intention was not from the beginning to set fires according to the wind, but rather the time to set the fires had been fixed in advance. Once the agreed time came, the fires would be set to throw the camp into confusion, and the assassination would be carried out under cover of that disorder. In the end, the arson succeeded and caused considerable physical and psychological damage, but the main objective, the assassination, failed. And Yi Sun-sin did not mention Heo Su-seok or Jeong Hui-hyeon, because the purpose was "setting fire to the Japanese camp at Busan," not "assassination." However, although the assassination failed, the operation had produced considerable results, so problems arose over this matter, and Yi Won-ik explained the roles of Jeong Hui-hyeon and Heo Su-seok to Kim Shin-guk, and this was reported through Kim Shin-guk's hands. But the situation was reported differently from Yi Won-ik's original intention, and as King Seonjo exploited this, Yi Sun-sin came to be charged with "deceiving the king."
To summarize the conclusion: regarding the arson of the Busan Japanese camp, Yi Sun-sin did not lie, and neither did Yi Won-ik. However, the problem lay in the fact that this was exploited to remove Yi Sun-sin. Looking at the various circumstances, it is clear that both grounds for the dismissal of Yi Sun-sin mentioned above, namely the claims that he slandered Won Gyun and that he made false reports, are entirely without basis. It is more logical to conclude that Yi Sun-sin was dismissed because King Seonjo, in order to eliminate Yi Sun-sin, who had begun to draw public sentiment to himself, forcibly removed him on one pretext or another.13
Family
- Grandfather: Won Jun-ryang (元俊良)
- Grandmother: Lady Yang of Namwon, a descendant of Yang Seong-ji
- Uncle: Won Yeon (元埏14, 1545 – 1597)
- Uncle: Won Jeon (14, ? – 1597)
- Uncle: Won Yong
- Father: Won Gyun (元均, 5th day of the 1st lunar month of 1540 – 19th day of the 6th lunar month of 1597)
- Mother: Lady Yun of Paepyeong (坡平尹氏, 1546 – 16th day of the 9th month of 1642)
- Sister: Lady Won, married to Han Eok (韓嶷)
- Brother-in-law: Han Eok (韓嶷, served as magistrate)
- Nephew: Han Seok-mang (韓碩望)
- Nephew: Han Seok-jin (韓碩振)
- Nephew: Han Seok-sin (韓碩臣)
- Nephew: Han Seok-ryang (韓碩良, passed the Military examination and later served as Defense commissioner and Deputy Director of Military Affairs)
- Niece: Lady Han, married to the student Yu Jeong (兪楨)
- Niece: Lady Han, married to Nam No-seong (南老星, served as Vice minister)
- Stepmother: name unknown
- Half-brother: name unknown
- Half-sister: Lady Won, concubine of Yi Sin-chun (李新春)
- Half-brother-in-law: Yi Sin-chun (李新春, served as Dongji-sa (Dongjisa))
- Half-nephew: Lady Yi
- Half-nephew: Yun An-ji (尹安之)
- Half-sister: Lady Won, concubine of the royal Prince Ui-sin Yi Bi (義信君 李備)
- Half-brother-in-law: Prince Ui-sin Yi Bi (義信君 李備)
- Half-nephew: Won-pyeong Lord Yi Bak (原平令 李珀)
- Half-nephew: Won-gye Lord Yi Gyeong (原溪令 李瓊)
- Half-nephew: Won-heung Lord Yi Geo (原興令 李琚)
- Half-nephew: Won-chang Lord Yi Gu (原昌令 李玖)
- Half-nephew: Won-yang Su Yi Jeong (原陽守 李珽)
- Half-nephew: Won-in Lord Yi Rak (原仁令 李珞)
- Stepmother: name unknown
Related books
- Lee Eun-sik, Won Gyun and Yi Sun-sin (Taorum Publishing, 2009)
- Do Hyeon-sin, Won Gyun and Yi Sun-sin (Bibong Publishing, 2008)
- Baek Yu-seon, Korean History Concert (Duri Media, 2008)
- Choi Yong-beom and Ham Gyu-jin, Rewriting the Treacherous Ministers' Biographies (Paperroad, 2007)
- Shin Dong-jun, Kings and Ministers of Joseon Discuss Enriching the Nation and Strengthening the Military (Sallim, 2007)
- Lee Min-ung, A History of Naval Battles in the Imjin War (Cheongeoram Media, 2004)
- Lee Jae-beom, In Defense of Won Gyun (Hakminsa, 2004)
- Ko Jeong-uk, Won Gyun 1, 2 (Sanho and Jinju Publishing, 2004)
Footnotes