Pyo Yeon-mal (表沿沫, 1449 – 4 September 1498 (19th day of 8th lunar month)) was a scholar-official of Joseon. His family seat was Sinchang (新昌). His courtesy name was Sogyu (少游), and his art name was Namgye (藍溪). His father was Pyo Gye (表繼), professor of Sangju (尙州敎授).
In 1469 (1st year of Yejong), he passed the lower civil service examinations (saengwonsi and jinsasi),1 and in 1472 (3rd year of Seongjong) he passed the regular civil service examination and entered the Yemun-gwan as Bonggyo (藝文館奉敎). In 1484 he served as Jwarang (工曹佐郞) of the Ministry of Works.
Through his relationship as a disciple of Seo Geo-jeong (徐居正) in the civil service examinations, he also wrote a preface to the Pilwon japgi (《筆苑雜記》). In 1485, as Sauihan (掌隷院司議) of the Jangnyewon, he took part in compiling the Tongguk t'onggam.234
In 1486 (17th year of Seongjong), he passed the special civil service examination again, after which he became Jangnyeong (守司憲府掌令) of the Saheonbu with the rank of Jobong Daebu (朝奉大夫).5
In 1490 he served as Chamui (參議) of the Ministry of Personnel and Daesaseong (大司成). In 1492 he served as Eungyo (應敎) of the Hongmungwan and Daejehak. In 1493, with the rank of Bongnyeol Daebu (奉列大夫), he became Sagan (司諫) of the Saganwon.6
In 1494 (the year Yeonsangun acceded to the throne), he served as Jikjehak (弘文館直提學) of the Hongmungwan.78
As a disciple of Kim Jong-jik (金宗直),9 he recorded the facts concerning the posthumous restoration of Queen Consort Sojeong (昭陵) in the historical draft (史草), and he was accused of glorifying the biography (行狀) of Kim Jong-jik. For these reasons, in 1498 (4th year of Yeonsangun) he was implicated in the Muo Massacre and died as a guest (客死) while being exiled to Gyeongwon (慶源). The exact cause of death was that, while on the way into exile, he was flogged by Yeonsangun, and the resulting poison from the beating worsened and killed him.
In 1504 (10th year of Yeonsan), during the Gapja Massacre, he was posthumously subjected to Bugwan chamsi (剖棺斬屍) along with Jo Wi (曺偉), Jeong Yeo-chang (鄭汝昌), and others.10
In 1507 (2nd year of Jungjong), he was rehabilitated (伸寃), and he was enshrined at Namgye Seowon (藍溪書院) in Hamyang and Imho Seowon (臨湖書院) in Hamchang. In 1517 he was posthumously appointed Minister of the Ministry of Personnel.
Life
He was born in 1449 (31st year of Sejong) and died in 1498 (4th year of Yeonsangun) at the age of 49, a scholar-official of early Joseon.
His family seat was Sinchang (新昌), his courtesy name was Sogyu (少游), and his art names were Namgye (藍溪) and Pyeongseok (平石). He was a disciple of both Kim Jong-jik (金宗直) and Seo Geo-jeong (徐居正). His grandfather was Eulchung (乙忠), his father was Gam-chal Gye (監察 繼), and his mother was the daughter of An Hong-gi (安鴻起), a Jeongnang (正郞).
Since his youth he was known to the world for his literary talent, scholarly conduct, learning of the Way, and filial piety. Along with his contemporaries Kim Gwang-pil (金宏弼) and Jeong Yeo-chang (鄭汝昌), he was outstanding in literature, and he also had deep relationships with Jo Wi (曺偉) and Kim Il-son (金馹孫), who were of the same school.
In 1469 (1st year of Yejong), he passed the lower civil service examinations (saengwonsi and jinsasi). In 1472 (3rd year of Seongjong), he passed the regular civil service examination with the lowest of the passing grades (byeonggwa) and entered the Yemun-gwan (禮文館). In 1485, as Sauihan (司議) of the Jangnyewon, he took part in compiling the Tongguk t'onggam (東國通鑑). The following year he again passed the special civil service examination (munggwa jungsi) with the lowest passing grade, and after serving as Jangnyeong and Sagan, he became Vice Minister of the Jungchubu. In 1490 he became Chamui of the Ministry of Personnel and Daesaseong of the Sungkyunkwan, and in 1492 he served as Daejehak.
When he was in the Yemun-gwan at the beginning of his official career, the Hanlim scholars customarily harassed newly appointed officials by holding banquets for them with forbidden meat and female musicians. When this came to the attention of Seongjong, punishment was ordered, and Master Pyo, who had attended this gathering, was dismissed from office and returned to his home district. Afterwards, whenever he saw forbidden meat served at village gatherings (hyanghoe), he refused to sit together with them, saying, "I can never again violate the sacred law."
Master Pyo was also a man of firm character who said everything he had to say even in the presence of the king. An anecdote shows how firm he was. One day, when Yeonsangun was enjoying a boat outing, Pyo Yeon-mal stopped him, saying, "Why do you enjoy dangerous boat rides when there is safe land?" Angered, Yeonsangun threw Pyo Yeon-mal into the water. Yeonsangun then had Pyo Yeon-mal, who was near death, pulled out of the water, and, feigning ignorance, asked, "How did you end up in the water?" Pyo Yeon-mal replied, "I went to meet Qu Yuan, the minister of King Hui of Chu." Qu Yuan was a loyal minister who, despairing of a foolish king, threw himself into the river and died. Yeonsangun was angered at being compared to a foolish king. "Did you really meet Qu Yuan?" "I truly met him, and from him I received a poem." "Oh? What did he say?" Pyo Yeon-mal recited a poem to Yeonsangun:
I met a foolish king,
and unable to fulfill my will, I threw myself into the river and died.
But you met a wise king,
so why have you come here?
The foolish Yeonsangun was softened by Pyo Yeon-mal's calling him a wise king, and so he spared his life.
Because he conducted the funeral rites for his parents according to Zhu Xi's Jiali (家禮), he was recommended by his teacher, Kim Jong-jik, the magistrate of Seonsan, and his rank was raised by one step. Afterwards, in 1495 (1st year of Yeonsangun), as Eungyo he became Chunchugwan Pyeonsugwan (春秋館編修官) and took part in compiling the Seongjong sillok (成宗實錄). The following year, 1496 (2nd year of Yeonsangun), as Jikjehak, he opposed the posthumous honoring of Queen Yun (尹氏), the deposed consort (廢妃). Afterwards he served as Seungji and Daesagan.
In 1498 (4th year of Yeonsangun), during the Muo Massacre (戊午士禍), he was exiled to Gyeongwon (慶源) on the grounds that he had recorded the facts concerning the posthumous restoration of Queen Consort Sojeong in the historical draft and had glorified Kim Jong-jik's biography (行狀). On the way there, he regrettably died as a guest at Eungye Station (銀溪驛).
Then, in 1504, during the Gapja Massacre, he was subjected to bugwan chamsi (剖棺斬屍), but in 1507 (2nd year of Jungjong) he was rehabilitated (伸寃).
Because he became a disciple of Seo Geo-jeong (徐居正) in the civil service examinations, he also wrote a preface to the Pilwon japgi (筆苑雜記). In his essay "Nonhak" (論學), he shows part of the scholarly and political views of the early Sarim faction centered on the disciples of Kim Jong-jik, and together with Yu Ho-in (兪好仁), a famous writer of his time who was a friend from the same hometown, he enjoyed the favor of Seongjong.
Namgye lived at a time when Neo-Confucianism was flourishing in our country. His teacher was Jeompil-jae (點必齋, Kim Jong-jik), and Seo Geo-jeong was his chief examiner (座主). His friends were Kim Maeng-seong (金孟性), Kim Gwang-pil (金宏弼), Jeong Yeo-chang (鄭汝昌), Jo Wi (曺偉), Gwon O-bok (權五福), and Yu Ho-in (兪好仁). He also associated closely with Hong Gwi-dal (洪貴達), Heo Gye (許誡), Hong Han (洪翰), Yi Se-in (李世仁), and Yu Sung-jo (柳崇祖), who were fellow students and worked in the same government offices. Among these, all except Heo Gye and Yu Sung-jo were disciples of Jeompil-jae.
If Kim Gwang-pil (寒暄堂) and Jeong Yeo-chang (一蠹) were outstanding only in the learning of the Way, Namgye was outstanding in both learning of the Way and literature. The fact that in the civil examination of literary composition (文臣製述) held in the year he turned 37 (1479) he took first place alone shows his talent in writing. Also, he was the first in our country to compose twenty poems titled "Geunchha Juja Gamheung" (謹次朱子感興) in response to Zhu Xi's poem "Jaegeo Gamheung" (齋居感興), which demonstrates that he concretely accepted Zhu Xi's learning.
Although Namgye did not rank among the Four Worthies of the East (東方四賢) or the Five Worthies of the East (東方五賢), he was a man who possessed both learning of the Way and literature.
Namgye accepted Zhu Xi's learning and was the first in our country to treat the phrase "honor the virtuous nature and inquire and learn" (尊德性 道問學) from the Doctrine of the Mean as a subject of inquiry. In the sixteenth century, Sindokjae Ju Se-bung (愼獨齋 周世鵬) and Toegye Yi Hwang (退溪 李滉) followed him. He thoroughly embodied the New Confucianism (新儒學), that is Neo-Confucianism (性理學), which had begun to sprout from the late Goryeo period, and through his writings he was a pioneer in theorizing it.
Namgye was enshrined at Gucheon Seowon (龜川書院) in Hamyang and Imho Seowon (臨湖書院) in Hamchang, and in 1517 he was posthumously appointed Minister of the Ministry of Personnel. His tomb is located in "Sae Saoge Village" (새 사오게 마을), Daejo 2-ri, Hamchang-eup, Sangju City.
In 1854 (5th year of Cheoljong), the Namgye munjip (藍溪文集) in 4 volumes and 2 books, published by his descendant Seok-jun (奭峻), has been handed down.
Namgye's father, Hanhwanjae Pyo Gye (寒暄齋 表繼), served as Gyeomyeol Gyosu (檢閱敎授) in Hamchang (咸昌). However, it is unknown when Namgye's father moved from Hamchang to Hamyang (咸陽) after serving in office there.
Therefore, since Namgye was born in Hyo-ri (孝里), Hamyang County, it is presumed that the family moved to Hamyang at least in his father's generation.
Viewed this way, the period during which Namgye actually lived in Hamyang can be considered to be before he passed the special civil service examination (別試文科) in February of the year he turned 24.
In addition, while living in Hamyang, Namgye again married into a family in Hamchang, Sangju. The circumstances can be seen in Kim Jong-jik's poem "Sending Pyo Sangsa Off to Hamchang for His Marriage" (送表上舍之咸昌成親):
In the fourth month, in the county of Hamnyeong (咸寧),
the auspicious bell gathered at a wealthy household.
Though a matchmaker must seek the wedding agreement,
how long had the couple waited for their harmonious union?
To the fine gentleman, the plum fruit was recited,
and a tall pine would bear climbing wisteria.
The blue clouds of official rank are not far away,
and I congratulate you on passing the lower examination.
Here, Hamnyeong (咸寧) is the old name of Hamchang (咸昌). It is not clear exactly how old Namgye was when he married. However, since Namgye passed the saengwon and jinsa examinations in the year he turned 21 (1469), and passed the regular examination in the year he turned 24 (1472), it is presumed that he married at age 22 or 23.
In fact, according to Namgye's chronology (年譜), in the year he turned 23 he built a house on the Namgye estate and changed his art name to Namgye or Pyeongseok (平石). It can be thought that the building of a house on the Namgye estate was because he had married.
Namgye's wife was a daughter of Yi Jong-rim (從林), who served as Hogun (護軍), of the Seongju Yi clan (星州李氏).
Scholarship and Character
Namgye was born into a family devoted to literary study. In particular, he served Jeompil-jae as his teacher, and he associated with men who represented the Gyeongsang region at that time and, further, those who represented our country. This proves that Namgye himself was in no way inferior to others in character or scholarship.
In Yang Hui-ji's (楊熙止, 1439–1504) Daebong jip (大峯集), there is the following: "On the third day of the third month, we played at Bukhansa, and seventeen friends composed linked verses (聯句). Among these seventeen were Chae Su of Nanjae (難齋) and Pyo Yeon-mal of Namgye (藍溪). The verse composed by Namgye was: 'Step by step along the stone steps, gradually entering the mist.' On the surface it seems to depict taking one step and then another up a mountain path, moving forward. But if one looks a little deeper, it seems to depict the method of learning. Like climbing a mountain, learning must advance little by little. Perhaps this was the way Namgye lived his life?"
Namgye was a man whom no one could fail to acknowledge in terms of morality and literature, loyalty and filial piety, and integrity. First, in the "Petition for the Board of Gucheon Seowon" (龜川書院請額疏) submitted by Yi Dae-yeon (李大淵) and others, it is written:
"Pyo Yeon-mal, Jeong Yeo-chang, the Posthumous Duke Munheon (文獻公), Jeong On (鄭蘊) the Posthumous Duke Munggan (文簡公), and Noh Jeong (盧禎) the Posthumous Duke Munhyo (文孝公) were all born in the same county, and their morality and literature, loyalty and filial piety, and integrity are all the paragons of Confucian scholars for a hundred generations."
Meanwhile, Jo Geung-seop (曺兢燮) said:
"Our country's talented men never flourished more than in the Gangjeong (康靖) and Gonghui (恭僖) eras. In front, Jeompil-jae (佔畢齋) advocated it, and behind, Jeongam (靜庵) inherited it. However, in discussing the purity of the learning of the Way and the excellence of virtuous conduct, above he received the transmission from Jeompil-jae, and below he opened the path for Jeongam to comprehend it. That is, the two teachers Hanhwondang and Ilduk have become towering like the sun and stars and the rivers in our country today. Master Namgye was already on a par with them at that time, but there is a difference in that he became known a hundred years later and they did not. Is the reason perhaps that few writings remained after the calamities?"
In the above passage, Jo Geung-seop regarded Hanhwondang, Ilduk, and Namgye as the figures who played the role of a bridge connecting Jeompil-jae and Jeongam. He only regretted greatly that Namgye had received less attention than Hanhwondang and Ilduk.
Namgye's learning of the Way was acknowledged by Jo Gwang-jo (趙光祖, Jeongam), a disciple of Hanhwondang. Jo Geung-seop said:
"When Jeongam requested in the royal lectures (經筵) that Confucian worthies be honored to correct the practices of scholars, he necessarily mentioned Hanhwondang, Ilduk, and the Master. How could he have been so earnest about the two Masters before and after him if there had been no substance? Moreover, the beautiful virtue of the Master is proven by a single letter from his teacher, Jeompil-jae."
Jeongam singled out his own teacher Hanhwondang, Namgye, and Ilduk in the matter of learning of the Way. This proves that Namgye was thus outstanding in the learning of the Way. Moreover,
"Those who speak of the Master in the world know that he had learning of the Way and literature" (世之談先生者, 知有先生之道學文章).
From this it can be seen that Namgye added literature to the learning of the Way.
Therefore, if Hanhwondang and Ilduk were outstanding only in the learning of the Way, Namgye was outstanding in both learning of the Way and literature. The fact that in the civil examination of literary composition held in the tenth month of the sixteenth year of Seongjong, the year he turned 37, he took first place alone is enough to prove that Namgye's literary talent was outstanding.
Also, he was the first in our country to compose twenty poems, "Geunchha Juja Gamheung" (謹次朱子感興), in response to Zhu Xi's "Jaegeo Gamheung" (齋居感興). Although only four poems survive today, their content combines literature and philosophy.
Muo Literati Purge (戊午士禍) and Pyo Yeon-mal (表沿沫)
The Muo Literati Purge (戊午士禍) was the first sahwa (literati purge) of the Joseon dynasty. Its origin lay in the compilation of the Veritable Records of King Seongjong in 1498, when the writing of Kim Jong-jik (金宗直), "Jo-uijemun" (弔義帝文), and an entry in the draft records (史草) by Yi Geuk-don (李克墩), of the Hungu faction, became the triggers. Yi Geuk-don, while serving as governor of Jeolla Province during the state funeral of Queen Jeonghui (貞熹王后), consort of King Sejo, had failed to observe proper restraint and had consorted with a gisaeng of Jangheung (長興). He recorded this discreditable act in the draft records.
Kim Jong-jik and the newly rising Sarim scholars, who respected the principle of great righteousness (大義名分), disapproved of King Sejo, who had deposed and killed King Danjong and then seized the throne. For this reason they looked down on the meritorious subjects of Sejo, such as Jeong In-ji (鄭麟趾). Using their posts in the censorate (臺諫), they pointed out Sejo's wrongdoings and continually submitted memorials calling for the removal of Sejo's meritorious subjects, thereby provoking them.
In particular, Kim Jong-jik regarded Yu Ja-gwang (柳子光) with contempt because Yu had falsely accused Nam Yi (南怡) and caused his death. When Kim took up his post as magistrate of Hamyang, he had a poem by Yu Ja-gwang that was hung on a board removed and burned. Yu Ja-gwang therefore harbored resentment toward Kim Jong-jik.
Moreover, Kim Il-son (金馹孫), a disciple of Kim Jong-jik and an official of the Chunchugwan (春秋館) as a recording secretary, had written directly about Yi Geuk-don's misconduct, and the two had become estranged. Yi Geuk-don and Yu Ja-gwang therefore joined hands and attempted to plot revenge, but during the reign of Seongjong, Kim Jong-jik enjoyed the king's trust, and they could not carry out their scheme.
After King Seongjong died and Yeonsangun ascended the throne, a Office of the Veritable Records (實錄廳) was established to compile the Veritable Records of King Seongjong. By coincidence, Yi Geuk-don was appointed as a senior official of this office, and the Hungu faction thereby gained a foothold from which to counterattack. Specifically, Yi Geuk-don judged that Kim Jong-jik's "Jo-uijemun," contained in the draft records drafted by Kim Il-son, was a text slandering King Sejo for having seized the throne from King Danjong. He reported this to Yu Ja-gwang.
Yu Ja-gwang immediately conspired with Noh Sa-sin (盧思愼) and Yun Pil-sang (尹弼商), who had also enjoyed Sejo's trust, and reported to Yeonsangun that Kim Jong-jik's slander of Sejo was a act of great treason and impiety (大逆不道). Yeonsangun felt hatred toward the admonitions and encouragement to study by the Sarim scholars. He not only kept scholars and literati at a distance, but also favored those who followed his self-indulgence and extravagant conduct.
Taking Yu Ja-gwang's memorial as an opportunity, Yeonsangun interrogated Kim Il-son and others from July 12 to July 26. At the end, he concluded that the whole affair had been instigated by Kim Jong-jik.
Accordingly, Kim Jong-jik, who had already died, was posthumously subjected to exhumation and beheading (剖棺斬屍) for treason. Kim Il-son, Gwon O-bok (權五福), Gwon Gyeong-yu (權景裕), Yi Mok (李穆), and Heo Ban (許磐), among others, were charged with forming a treacherous faction and falsifying the record of Sejo, and were subjected to punishments including death by dismemberment (凌遲處斬). Kang Gyeom (姜謙), who had been implicated in the same crime, was given one hundred strokes of the cane, had his property confiscated, and was made a government slave in a border region.
In addition, Pyo Yeon-mal (表沿沫), Hong Han (洪瀚), Jeong Yeo-chang (鄭汝昌), Kang Gyeong-seo (姜景敍), Yi Su-gong (李守恭), Jeong Hui-ryang (鄭希良), and Jeong Seung-jo (鄭承祖), among others, were given one hundred strokes of the cane for failure to report (不告之罪) and exiled more than 3,000 li away.
Furthermore, Yi Jong-jun (李宗濬), Choe Bo (崔潽), Yi Won (李黿), Yi Ju (李胄), Kim Goeng-pil (金宏弼), Park Han-ju (朴漢柱), Im Hui-jae (任熙載), Kang Baek-jin (康伯珍), Yi Gye-maeng (李繼孟), and Kang Hon (姜渾), who were all disciples of Kim Jong-jik, were charged with forming a faction (朋黨), slandering the government, and abetting the insertion of "Jo-uijemun." They were all beaten with the cane and exiled, and made to serve on beacon duty and in labor at Nogan.
Meanwhile, Eo Se-gyeom (魚世謙), Yi Geuk-don, Yu Sun (柳珣), Yun Hyo-son (尹孝孫), and Kim Jeon (金銓), who as historiographers had seen the disputed draft records but had not reported them, were dismissed from office. Hong Gwi-dal (洪貴達), Jo Ik-jeong (趙益貞), Heo Chim (許琛), and An Chim (安琛) were also demoted for the same offense.
Many newly rising Sarim scholars were sacrificed in this incident. Yi Geuk-don, the first discoverer and first informant and thus the instigator, was also dismissed. However, Yu Ja-gwang alone retained his power and prestige, and no one dared to oppose his will. As a result, the newly rising Sarim scholars were greatly intimidated.
The Muo Literati Purge, in which a considerable political intention lay concealed, was carried out swiftly. From its beginning until the punishment of the principal implicated persons was completed, less than a month passed. Counting from the point at which the full-scale interrogation began, it did not take even twenty days.
Jo-uijemun (弔義帝文)
The Muo Literati Purge, in which countless talented men were sacrificed, was triggered by Kim Jong-jik's "Jo-uijemun." The content of "Jo-uijemun" is as follows.
‘On a day in the tenth month of the year jeongchuk, I traveled from Miryang toward Gyeongsan and stayed at Dapgye Post Station. In a dream, a spirit appeared before me, clad in the seven-chapter garment, tall and stately. It said of itself: "I am Sim, grandson of King Hoe of Chu (懷王), who was murdered by the Hegemon-King of Western Chu and sunk in the Bin River." Then it suddenly vanished. I woke, startled, and thought: "King Hoe was a man of Southern Chu, and I am a man of the Eastern Barbarians. The distance between our lands is not merely more than ten thousand li, and the difference of generations is also more than a thousand years. Why has he come to move me in my dreams? What omen is this? Moreover, when I examine the histories, there is no mention of his being sunk in a river. Could Xiang Yu (項羽) have secretly had him struck down and thrown his corpse into the water? This cannot be known." Thereupon I composed a text to mourn him. Heaven endowed things with principles and gave them to men; who does not know to honor the four great elements and the five constant virtues? It is not that the Central States are abundant and the barbarians are stingy. How could they exist in the past and not in the present? Therefore, I, a man of the barbarians, living a thousand years later, respectfully mourn King Hoe of Chu. Long ago, the Dragon Ancestor (Qin Shi Huang) played with tusks and horns, and the waves of the four seas turned red as blood. Though the sturgeon, the tuna, the loach, and the whale, how could they preserve themselves? They hurried to escape the net. At that time, the descendants of the six states hid and fled, and barely became companions of the common people. Xiang Liang (項梁) was a general's seed of the southern kingdom, who followed the fish and fox to raise an uprising. He obtained the king and followed the wishes of the people, and preserved the sacrifices of Xiong Yi (熊繹), which had been cut off. He held the sacred tallies and faced south; truly, there is nothing greater under heaven than the Mi (芈) clan. He sent the elder into Guanzhong (關中); surely there was enough to see his benevolence and righteousness. The sheep-fierce and wolf-greedy man presumed to slaughter the generals; why did he not seize them and oil the Qi axe? Alas! There is a great situation that is not so, and for the king I was even more afraid. Being struck in return and becoming meat paste, truly the course of Heaven was twisted. The mountain of Bin rises high to touch the sky; its shadow covers the sun and approaches evening. The water of Bin flows day and night; the waves surge and do not return. Heaven and earth are long, and the grief can never be exhausted; the spirit still drifts about today. My heart pierces metal and stone; the king suddenly comes into my dreams. Following the old brush of Zi-yang (紫陽), my thoughts are weighty and reverent. I raise the cup and pour it on the ground; I hope the spirit will come and partake.’
(丁丑十月日, 余自密城道京山, 宿踏溪驛, 夢有神披七章之服, 頎然而來, 自言: “楚懷王＾孫心爲西楚霸王所弑, 沈之郴江。” 因忽不見。 余覺之, 愕然曰: “懷王南楚之人也, 余則東夷之人也。地之相距, 不啻萬有餘里, 而世之先後, 亦千有餘載。來感于夢寐, 玆何祥也? 且考之史, 無沈江之語, 豈羽使人密擊, 而投其屍于水歟? 是未可知也。”遂爲文以弔之。惟天賦物則以予人兮, 孰不知尊四大與五常? 匪華豐而夷嗇, 曷古有而今亡? 故吾夷人, 又後千載兮, 恭弔楚之懷王。昔祖龍之弄牙角兮, 四海之波, 殷爲衁。雖鱣鮪鰍鯢, 曷自保兮, 思網漏而營營。時六國之遺祚兮, 沈淪播越, 僅媲夫編氓。梁也南國之將種兮, 踵魚狐而起事。求得王而從民望兮, 存熊繹於不祀。握乾符而面陽兮, 天下固無大於芉氏。 遣長者而入關兮, 亦有足覩其仁義。羊狠狼貪, 擅夷冠軍兮, 胡不收而膏齊斧? 嗚呼! 勢有大不然者兮, 吾於王而益懼。爲醢腊於反噬兮, 果天運之蹠盭。郴之山磝以觸天兮, 景晻愛以向晏。郴之水流以日夜兮, 波淫泆而不返。天長地久, 恨其可旣兮, 魂至今猶飄蕩。余之心貫于金石兮, 王忽臨乎夢想。循紫陽之老筆兮, 思螴蜳以欽欽。擧雲罍以酹地兮, 冀英靈之來歆。)
"Jo-uijemun" literally means "a text mourning Emperor Ui," and takes the form of a dream in which the ghost of the King of Chu, Emperor Ui (King Hoe), who was murdered by Xiang Yu during the contest for supremacy between Chu and Han, appears. Among its contents, King Hoe (Emperor Ui) and King Danjong were both young kings, a point they share in common. The nuance of the final sentence, "Why would King Hoe, who has no relation at all, appear in a dream?", also reflects this. The decisive clue is the "seven-chapter garment" (七章衣).
The "seven-chapter garment" (七章衣) is the great ceremonial robe worn by the crown prince. From the nine chapters, it omits the dragon and the mountain, and embroiders seven patterns: the pheasant, fire, the ritual vessel jongi, algae, the millet pattern, the bo (黼) pattern, and the bul (黻) pattern. It was interpreted to mean that the person wearing this garment represented King Danjong, who had been demoted to Prince Nosan; Xiang Yu represented King Sejo; and Emperor Ui represented King Danjong, who had been deprived of the throne by King Sejo and exiled.
"Jo-uijemun" was so full of metaphorical expressions that even the intellectuals of the time found it difficult to read, so its contents were beyond the comprehension of Yeonsangun. However, the person who first discovered "Jo-uijemun" and reported it to Yu Ja-gwang was Yi Geuk-don, and Yu Ja-gwang kindly explained it to Yeonsangun point by point.
Moreover, Yeonsangun thought that even though the fault was not his own, for a mere subject to speak so boldly of the usurpation of the throne by his former ancestor, King Sejo, would greatly harm the traditional legitimacy of the dynasty, and therefore it must be punished without fail. The Hungu faction also regarded this affair as an excellent opportunity to eliminate the newly rising Sarim scholars.
Development of the Muo Literati Purge (戊午士禍)
The Muo Literati Purge began on the first day of the seventh month of the fourth year of Yeonsangun's reign (1498).
"Yun Pil-sang, Lord of Pyeongpa (坡平府院君); Noh Sa-sin, Lord of Seonseong (宣城府院君); Han Chi-hyeong (韓致亨), Right State Councillor; and Yu Ja-gwang, Lord of Muryeong (武靈君), went to the Chabimun Gate and requested to report confidential matters. They had Sin Su-geun (愼守勤), Chief Royal Secretary, manage the documents, and the historiographers were not allowed to participate. Thereupon, Yi Sa-gong (李思恭), Examining Compiler, requested to take part, but Su-geun said: 'There is no need for you to participate and hear.'
Soon after, Hong Sa-ho (洪士灝), Office Head of the Office of Royal Justice, and Sin Geuk-seong (愼克成), Magistrate, received orders and rushed toward Gyeongsang Province, but outsiders did not know what the matter was.
Accordingly, on the seventeenth day of the seventh month of the fourth year of Yeonsangun's reign (1498), he ordered Jeong Jong-bo (鄭宗輔), Magistrate of Jeolla Province, to burn the printed editions of Kim Jong-jik's collected writings, and he issued an instruction to the Ministry of Rites, which said:
"If any person in the capital or the provinces has stored Kim Jong-jik's collected writings, they shall immediately submit them; any person who does not submit them shall be severely punished."
On the same day, Yeonsangun and his ministers began to discuss Kim Jong-jik's "Jo-uijemun," contained in Kim Il-son's draft records.
"'Dragon Ancestor played with tusks and horns' — the Dragon Ancestor is the First Emperor of Qin (秦始皇). Jong-jik compared the First Emperor of Qin to Sejo. The king of whom it is said, 'he obtained the king and followed the wishes of the people,' is Sim, grandson of King Hoe of Chu. At first Xiang Liang attacked Qin, searched for Sim, and made him the Emperor Ui; thus Jong-jik compared Emperor Ui to King Nosan. The phrase 'the sheep-fierce and wolf-greedy man presumed to slaughter the generals' refers to Sejo, who presumed to slaughter the generals, which is compared to Sejo's killing of Kim Jong-seo (金宗瑞). The phrase 'why did he not seize them and oil the Qi axe?' means that Jong-jik asks why King Nosan did not seize Sejo.
The phrase 'Being struck in return and becoming meat paste' means that Jong-jik asks why King Nosan, unable to seize Sejo, was instead killed by Sejo. The phrase 'Following the old brush of Zi-yang, my thoughts are weighty and reverent' means that Jong-jik, claiming to be Zhu Xi (朱子), composed a rhapsody in his heart, which compares to the brush of the Gangmu (綱目).
Yet Kim Il-son, in attaching a eulogy to that text, wrote: 'Thereby I express my loyal indignation.'
Consider this: when our King Sejo faced a time of national peril and treacherous officials plotted disorder, and the seeds of calamity were about to burst forth, he cut down the rebel gangs at that very moment. The ancestral temple and the altars of the state were in danger but were again made secure, and his descendants have succeeded one another up to today. His merit and achievements are lofty and great, and his virtue surpasses that of a hundred kings. Yet unexpectedly, Jong-jik and his disciples mocked and criticized the sacred virtue, and caused Kim Il-son to write falsehoods in the histories. How could this be the result of a single day or a single morning?
To harbor in one's heart a mind that does not accept the position of subject, and to serve three reigns in succession, I now cannot help trembling with fear when I think of it.
Let the Three Senior Officials and above of the eastern and western ranks, together with the Office of Inspector General, the Office of Remonstrance, and the Hall of Worthies, discuss punishments and report to me."
Jeong Mun-hyeong (鄭文炯), Han Chi-rye (韓致禮), Yi Geuk-gyun (李克均), Yi Se-jwa (李世佐), Noh Gong-pil (盧公弼), Yun Min (尹慜), An Ho (安瑚), Hong Ja-a (洪自阿), Sin Bu (申溥), Yi Deok-yeong (李德榮), Kim U-sin (金友臣), Hong Seok-bo (洪碩輔), Noh Gong-yu (盧公裕), and Jeong Suk-ji (鄭叔墀), who received Yeonsangun's command, said:
"Now, when we look at Jong-jik's 'Jo-uijemun,' it is not only impossible to read it aloud, but our eyes cannot bear to look upon it. Jong-jik served long in office during the reign of Sejo, and his talent surpassed all in his generation, but because Sejo did not accept him, he harbored feelings of resentment and grievance. He entrusted his words to the text and mocked the sacred virtue, and his words are extremely unprincipled.
If we infer his intent, how would it differ from the ministers who plotted rebellion in the year byeongja (1456)? He should rightly be judged for great treason, and to exhume and behead him and to make clear his crime and wash away the anger of the subjects and people is truly appropriate to the precedents of the state."
Other ministers also held nearly the same opinion, that it was right to impose the extreme penalty on Kim Jong-jik. Furthermore, Chae Su (蔡壽) of Sangju also gave the same opinion, and Pyo Yeon-mal (表沿沫) also said:
"Having examined Jong-jik's 'Jo-uijemun' and the meaning it indicates, his crime deserves beheading."
Thus it was decided that the punishment for Kim Jong-jik would be as Jeong Mun-hyeong and others had advocated. However, the matter was not concluded with this. On the same day, Yeonsangun again issued an instruction:
"There is no need to pursue Kim Jong-jik's disciples to the end. However, since I wish to know what kind of men they are, write them all down and report to me."
Accordingly, Yun Pil-sang and others questioned Kim Il-son directly, and he said:
"Sin Jong-ho (申從濩) studied under Jong-jik when Jong-jik was in the capital. Jo Wi (曺偉), the brother-in-law of Jong-jik, studied under him from youth. Chae Su, Kim Jeon (金詮), Choe Bu (崔溥), Sin Yong-gae (申用漑), Gwon Gyeong-yu, Yi Gye-maeng, Yi Ju, and Yi Won were given the highest marks in composition when they were tested. Jeong Seok-gyeon (鄭錫堅), Kim Sim (金諶), Kim Heun (金訢), Pyo Yeon-mal, Yu Ho-in (兪好仁), and Jeong Yeo-chang also all studied under him, though I do not know in what years they studied.
Yi Chang-sin (李昌臣), when he became a Hall of Worthies Lecturer, asked Jong-jik, who was serving as Responding Lecturer, about doubtful points in the Records of the Grand Historian (史記). Kang Baek-jin was a cousin's nephew who studied under him from youth. Yu Sun-jeong (柳順汀) learned the writings of Han Yu (韓愈). Gwon O-bok stayed at the Seonggyungwan (成均館) as a boarder when Jong-jik was Vice Director of the Seonggyungwan. Park Han-ju was a Confucian scholar from Gyeongsang Province who studied under him. Kim Goeng-pil studied under him at the time Jong-jik was in mourning.
As for the others said to be still many, they are Yi Seung-eon (李承彦), Gwak Seung-hwa (郭承華), Jang Ja-geon (莊姉健), and others."
On the eighteenth day of the seventh month, Yun Pil-sang and others said:
"When Yi Won discussed the posthumous title of Jong-jik, he praised his beauty as if he were Confucius. Pyo Yeon-mal wrote Jong-jik's haengjang (行狀). We request that both be interrogated."
Yeonsangun, as if he had been waiting for this, instructed them, "Do so." Accordingly, the interrogation statements (供招) of Yi Won, who had discussed Kim Jong-jik's posthumous title, and of Pyo Yeon-mal, who had written Kim Jong-jik's haengjang, began. First, Yi Won gave his statement, saying:
"I have never studied under Jong-jik. However, when Jong-jik was Vice Director of the Seonggyungwan, I was a saengwon (生員) boarding at the Seonggyungwan. I composed a rhapsody on 'Gwanodae' (觀魚臺) in the rhyme of Mok-eun (牧隱) and proceeded to the Jong-jik's test list, and Jong-jik praised me. Presumably this is why Kim Il-son said I was his disciple. I had never seen his collected writings, and I also do not know what is called 'the Six Gentlemen.'
When I was Participant at the Bongsang (奉常參奉) and discussed the posthumous title of Jong-jik, I said: 'Jong-jik was by nature pure and fine, gentle, kind, and loving. Having studied the Odes and the Rites early, he took this Way as his own responsibility, relied on virtue, depended on benevolence, was sincere and trustworthy and earnest and reverent, did not neglect teaching others, and made the elevation of this culture (斯文) his own duty. In his scholarship he valued the kingly way and despised the way of the hegemon; in his affairs he was extremely concise and removed the complicated; in teaching others, he extensively studied literature and simplified it by ritual; in serving his parents he fully practiced filial piety, and in serving the king he fully practiced loyalty. He did not conceal the goodness of others or expose their evil. He was pure without being narrow, and harmonious without being unprincipled. His literary talent and moral character stood out in the world. Truly he was a remnant talent of the Three Dynasties and his service to this culture was great.'
However, I originally did not know what kind of man Jong-jik was. I only said these things in praise because of the haengjang written by Pyo Yeon-mal, which praised him extremely. For this reason I discussed him in this manner, and for my excessive praise at that time, I have been punished."
Next, Pyo Yeon-mal gave his statement, saying:
"I live in Hamyang. When Jong-jik came as magistrate of this county, I first became acquainted with him. Afterward, when I passed the provincial examination, I asked him about doubtful points in the Classics. I read his collected writings, but I could not understand the meaning of 'Jo-uijemun.' I did not see his poetry collection at that time, so I do not know whom the so-called 'Six Gentlemen' refer to.
However, in writing Jong-jik's haengjang, I wrote: 'The virtue and literary talent of the gentleman truly should have been employed early in high office and applied to great undertakings. Yet for the sake of his parents he borrowed an outside post and remained long as a lowly official. Late in life he received the king's recognition and was quickly promoted to the Six Ministers, when he was about to be greatly employed. But his illness had already reached an irreversible stage, and he could never again ascend the court. Is this not a misfortune for our Way! Those who discuss it say: "Since the gentleman had not stood at court for long, he had not yet established great counsel or stated great policy." Yet, bearing the great hopes of this culture of our time and being able to take the role of a teacher in forming talent, he was but one man in recent times.'"
Thus he stated.
The two men merely esteemed Kim Jong-jik, a great Confucian, for his scholarship, and wrote the posthumous title and haengjang without giving any special meaning to it, yet events proceeded in a direction that gave rise to ominous forebodings. On the nineteenth day of the seventh month, the Office of the Veritable Records said:
"In the draft records of Hong Han, it is written: 'King Sejo, intending to transform the family into the state (化家爲國), secretly allied himself with warriors.' In the draft records of Sin Jong-ho, it is written: 'At the rebellion of King Nosan, Jeong Chang-son (鄭昌孫) was the first to propose and request his execution. Although King Nosan had offended King Sejo, Chang-son had served him personally, so how could he bring himself to propose and request his execution?' And in the draft records of Pyo Yeon-mal, it is written: 'The actions by which the first tomb of Queen Consort of Munjong, Soreung (昭陵), was demolished were many failures toward Munjong.'"
Thus they said, and when they tried to expand the matter, Pyo Yeon-mal stepped forward and said:
"King Sejo rose up by the favor of fortune, and Munjong had already passed away. Soreung did not necessarily have to be demolished, but because it was demolished, it is said there was a failure toward Munjong. As for writing the events of the reign of Sejo in the Veritable Records of King Seongjong, it was because I had written that Jeong Mi-su (鄭眉壽) had already been accepted, and I wished to explain the reasons in detail."
He thus reported the entire course of affairs exactly as it had happened. Hong Han also gave his statement, saying:
"When I became a Hanlim (翰林) and read the Veritable Records of our dynasty, it says: 'When King Sejo sought to pacify the disturbances, he began to seek scholars. Gwon Nam (權擥) recommended Han Myeong-hoe (韓明澮), and Myeong-hoe became his heart and ears, recommending many warriors, and at last achieved great merit.' Thus, in recording the death of Myeong-hoe, I wished to describe in detail his origin and the whole course of his life. As for the phrase 'intending to transform the family into the state,' it is because the old texts have the expression 'to transform a family into a state' (化家爲國). As for 'secretly allied with warriors,' at that time the powerful ministers were in control, and the calamity was unpredictable, so they did not dare to carry out plans openly. Myeong-hoe also secretly recommended warriors."
Thus he stated.
However, Yeonsangun did not think so. On the same day, after reviewing the interrogation statements (招辭) of Jeong Seok-gyeon and others, Yeonsangun issued an instruction:
"Pyo Yeon-mal and Yi Won are truly guilty. But Seok-gyeon said he had no time to open and look at Jong-jik's poetry collection. How is this statement? What about releasing all the other persons involved in the case? What Yi Ju said must have substance; interrogate him."
Yun Pil-sang and others deliberated together, and they wrote down Chae Su, Yi Chang-sin, and Kim Sim and reported:
"These three should rightly be released. Kim Jeon should rightly be interrogated about certain matters. As for Choe Bu, in the draft records and in the haengjang he is called a disciple, and in his statement he also says: 'Although I stored the poetry collection, I had no time to open and read it.' This statement seems improper. The draft records say: 'Kim Goeng-pil was especially cherished by Jong-jik.' Therefore these three cannot be released. Seok-gyeon's statement that 'he only saw the list and did not read the text' also seems improper, but Jeolla Province has very many duties, so he truly may not have had time to open and read it. Moreover, as to the matter of his not siding with Jong-jik, Yu Ja-gwang knows the details completely."
Thereupon, Jeong Seok-gyeon was named as one whose reason for not siding with Kim Jong-jik was known to Yu Ja-gwang, and Yu Ja-gwang said:
"I have heard that the people of Hamyang intend to build a shrine for Jong-jik. I immediately inquired, and it appears that Pyo Yeon-mal and Yu Ho-in instigated it, and it was not what the elders of that county desired. Since it is my native place, I stopped it. Later, while I was living in Namwon in mourning, Yi, who became Chief Royal Secretary, had Jeong Seok-gyeon send me a letter to ask a favor on his behalf.
Seok-gyeon then came to see me and spoke of Pyo Yeon-mal's intention. I said to him: 'What do you think of building a shrine?' Seok-gyeon said: 'My grandfather lived in the rural valley and taught children, and he was known for his prudence and sincerity. At that time, when the court sought scholars of high learning and moral principle who lived in seclusion without serving in office, the people of the village wished to respond to the call with my grandfather. My elder brother dissuaded him, saying: "The deeds of our grandfather are only these, and if he wishes to respond to the command seeking the virtuous, this is not only deceiving the present age but also deceiving later ages." Now building this shrine is also deceiving later ages.' Thus it is clear that Seok-gyeon was not a member of Jong-jik's faction."
Yeonsangun then said:
"Release Chae Su, Yi Chang-sin, and Kim Sim. Although Yu Ja-gwang, Lord of Muryeong, has explained that Seok-gyeon did not side with Jong-jik, it is still not permissible to release him immediately. However, since public opinion among the many people also says he may be released, let him be released, but the error of publishing the collected writings shall be judged under the law and reported to me.
Seong Jung-eom (成仲淹) has been detained for a long time, and since he was implicated because of Yi Mok's letter, delay his release and, if there are still matters requiring interrogation, question him. How is this?"
When he said this, Yun Pil-sang and others reported:
"The severity of Jung-eom's crime cannot yet be determined at present, so he cannot be released immediately."
Thereupon, Yeonsangun instructed:
"Understood. This case of the purge is intended to expose the matter to the world, and I am concerned that some unworthy person may again record it in writing."
Yun Pil-sang and others reported:
"When the interrogation is finished, a royal decree should properly be issued to make it known throughout the capital and the provinces, and the interrogation statements and the decree should be fully recorded by the historiographers. Even if some unworthy person does record it, who in later ages will believe it?"
Upon this, he instructed:
"Tomorrow I will speak of it again."
Yun Pil-sang and others asked that Yi Ju be interrogated under the rod, and he instructed:
"There must be some circumstance behind this. Interrogate him under the rod."
Yi Ju received thirty strokes of the rod and then gave his statement:
"As a remonstrance official, I did so to turn Your Majesty's intention. How could there be any other reason?"
Furthermore, Yun Pil-sang and others requested that Hong Han, Pyo Yeon-mal, and Choe Bu, who had been released by royal command, be interrogated under the rod, and for some reason the king complied with their petition. Thereupon Yun Pil-sang and others reported:
"According to the law, the crime of Jeong Seok-gyeon in publishing Jong-jik's collected writings corresponds to eighty strokes of the cane and the deprivation of three ranks of his commission."
Accordingly, he was ordered to be dismissed from office. On the twentieth day of the seventh month, there was the interrogation statement of Heo Ban.
“On my first statement of confession, I said that 'after the mourning for Deokjong ended, Sejo urged Lady Kwon to eat meat, and when she refused, the King grew angry and Lady Kwon fled.' My family has always told this story, and I told it to Ilson. In fact, when I spoke of Lady Yun, I went on to speak of Lady Kwon as well, so in the course of our conversation a mistake arose, and it came out just as Ilson recorded it.”
Pyo Yeon-mal also gave his confession.
“In my historical draft I wrote that Soreung did not have to be torn down but was torn down. This was because it was destroyed after Munjong died. As for the Eulogy to Emperor Ui, its meaning is harsh and obscure, so I did not understand it. As for praising Jongjik's virtue and literary skill in his biographical account, although I could not make known the ambitions that Jongjik held in his heart, everyone in his age called him so, and therefore I praised him in that way in the biographical account.”
On July 26, Yun Pil-sang and others discussed the charges against Kim Il-son, Kwon O-bok, Kwon Gyeong-yu and others, related to the historical draft affair, and submitted a memorial that said:
“Kim Il-son, Kwon O-bok (權五福) and Kwon Gyeong-yu (權景裕) fall under the crime of high treason and should be executed by slow slicing. Yi Mok, Heo Ban and Kang Gyeom fall under the crime of seditious and cutting slander, and should be beheaded with their property confiscated. Pyo Yeon-mal, Jeong Yeo-chang, Hong Han and Chong, Deputy Magistrate of Muu, spoke seditious words. Kang Gyeong-seo, Yi Su-gong, Jeong Hui-ryang and Jeong Seung-jo knew of the seditious words but did not report them. All of them should be given one hundred blows of the cane, exiled more than 3,000 ri away, and assigned to service as beacon-fire guards or as Jeongnohan (庭爐干) laborers. Yi Jong-jun, Choe Bu, Yi Won, Kang Baek-jin, Yi Ju, Kim Gyeong-pil, Bak Han-ju, Im Hui-jae, Yi Gye-maeng and Kang Hun formed a faction, and therefore should be given eighty blows of the cane and banished to distant regions. Yun Hyo-son and Kim Jeon should be dismissed from office. Seong Jung-eom should be given eighty blows of the cane and banished to a distant region. Yi Ui-mu should be given sixty blows of the cane and one year of penal labor. Yu Sun-jeong could not be interrogated, and Han Hun is in hiding.”
Accordingly, the Office of the Censors and the Remonstrance Office also requested that they be treated as members of a faction. Yu Ja-gwang said:
“Kang Gyeom first heard Heo Ban's words, but after Ilson raised the matter, he replied, 'I too have heard that Lady Kwon's conduct was indeed lofty.' Therefore, there may be a difference between his guilt and that of Heo Ban.”
No Sa-sin said:
“Jongjik composed poems and writings that mocked, and because their intent was harsh and injurious, it is indeed proper to judge them as high treason. However, Ilson and the others only praised Jongjik's poems and writings, so it is inappropriate to treat them as sharing the same guilt as Jongjik.
Since this matter must be transmitted to later generations, it cannot be decided lightly. Would it be appropriate to judge them under the crime of seditious and cutting slander? Even if this is done, their household property should still be confiscated.”
Yun Pil-sang said:
“Sin Jong-ho and Yi Yuk have died now, but would it be appropriate to punish them for their crimes as well?”
The King gave the order:
“When Il-son and the others are beheaded, let the officials of the hundred offices go and see it. The earthquakes that recently struck Gyeongsang Province and Jecheon and other places were caused by these people. The ancients said that earthquakes come from the lack of virtue in the ruler, but I think this recent disaster is the result of these people.
Confucian scholars are either in the Gwan or in the Four Schools, so they only read old books, do not understand the laws of the court, and slander the government among themselves. How could such customs exist?
Even though these people have learning, their conduct is like this, so they are worse than people without learning. Those who are guilty should be punished according to their crimes. Let me ask Yu Ja-gwang and No Sa-sin again in this spirit, the Lord of Seonseong and Grand Marshal of Sunghwa.
The matter of Kang Gyeom that Yu Ja-gwang mentioned is indeed deserving of some pity, but his crime should be judged more severely than Heo Ban's. The rest will have their own laws to apply. However, Yi Ju alone should have his punishment increased by one grade. Yun Hyo-son made deceptive statements, so he should indeed be dismissed from office. Yi Keuk-don says he has wanted to report this for a long time.
Should Eo Se-gyeom also be dismissed from office? Discuss this and report back. Yi Yuk and Sin Jong-ho should also be punished. This is a great matter. I intend to report it to the royal ancestral shrine and proclaim a pardon throughout the realm. What do you all think?”
Yun Pil-sang and the others said:
“It is very proper to report to the royal ancestral shrine and issue a general pardon. As for Yi Yuk and Sin Jong-ho, would it be appropriate to revoke their official certificates posthumously?”
Yun Pil-sang and his faction only spoke in ways that suited Yeonsangun's taste, but the royal secretaries did not. Compared with the heavy charges they made against Kim Il-son, the secretaries argued that Il-son had not composed the poems and writings himself but had only praised Kim Jong-jik, so his crime should be lighter. However, Yeonsangun ignored this and gave the order:
“Deal with Jong-ho and the others as the reports have indicated.”
On the same day, Yeonsangun gave the order:
“Those sentenced to exile or banishment should be sent to places more than fifteen days' journey away.”
Yun Pil-sang and the others submitted the memorial:
“Send Kang Gyeom to Ganggye as a slave, Pyo Yeon-mal to Gyeongwon, Jeong Yeo-chang to Jongseong, Kang Gyeong-seo to Hoeryeong, Yi Su-gong to Changseong, Jeong Hui-ryang to Uiju, Hong Han to Gyeonghung, Im Hui-jae to Gyeongseong, Chong to Onseong, Yu Jeong-su to Isan, Yi Yu-cheong to Sakju, Min Su-bok to Gwiseong, Yi Jong-jun to Buryeong, Bak Han-ju to Byeokdong, Sin Bok-ui to Wiwon, Seong Jung-eom to Insan, Bak Gwon to Gilseong, Son Won-ro to Myeongcheon, Yi Chang-yun to Yongcheon, Choe Bu to Dancheon, Yi Ju to Jindo, Kim Gyeong-pil to Huicheon, Yi Won to Seoncheon, An Paeng-su to Cheolsan, Jo Hyeong to Bukcheong, and Yi Ui-mu to Eocheon as exiles.”
Yeonsangun approved this.
Accordingly, on the next day, July 27, the execution of Kim Il-son and the others was reported to the royal ancestral shrine and the altars of the soil and grain, the hundred officials offered congratulations, and a pardon was proclaimed throughout the realm, saying:
“Reverently considering, our King Sejo Hyejang the Great, when the state was in danger and many treacherous ministers were lurking, with calm wisdom and sound judgment pacified the disorder. Heaven's mandate and the hearts of the people naturally returned to him, and his sacred virtue and divine achievements stood above all the kings.
His great achievements that added luster to his ancestors, and the instructions he left to his descendants like the wings of a swallow, were inherited generation after generation and remained beautiful until today. Unexpectedly, the treacherous minister Kim Jong-jik harbored a poisonous mind and secretly allied with factions to carry out evil schemes, and this had continued for many days.
Therefore, he borrowed the case of Xiang Yu's assassination of Emperor Yi, expressed it in writing, and slandered our former king. The evil that overflowed to heaven was an offense that could not be pardoned, so he was judged as high treason, and his corpse was dug up and beheaded. His followers Kim Il-son, Kwon O-bok and Kwon Gyeong-yu formed a wicked faction, joined in harmony to praise that writing, and claimed it was an expression of loyal indignation. They recorded it in the historical draft, intending to leave it as an imperishable writing. Their guilt was the same as Jongjik's, so they were all to be executed by slow slicing.
Il-son, together with Yi Mok, Heo Ban and Kang Gyeom, fabricated events of former kings that never occurred, told them to one another, and even wrote them into the histories. Therefore, Yi Mok and Heo Ban were also beheaded. Kang Gyeom was given one hundred blows of the cane, his property was confiscated, and he was banished to a remote frontier and made a slave.
Pyo Yeon-mal, Hong Han, Jeong Yeo-chang and Chong, Deputy Magistrate of Muu, were guilty of speaking seditious words. Kang Gyeong-seo, Yi Su-gong, Jeong Hui-ryang and Jeong Seung-jo knew these were seditious words but did not report them, so all were given one hundred blows of the cane and exiled more than 3,000 ri away. Yi Jong-jun, Choe Bu, Yi Won, Yi Ju, Kim Gyeong-pil, Bak Han-ju, Im Hui-jae, Kang Baek-jin, Yi Gye-maeng and Kang Hun were all disciples of Jongjik who formed a faction and praised one another. Some criticized state affairs and slandered current events. Therefore, Hui-jae was given one hundred blows of the cane and exiled more than 3,000 ri away. Yi Ju was given one hundred blows of the cane and banished to a remote frontier. Yi Jong-jun, Choe Bo, Yi Won, Kim Gyeong-pil, Bak Han-ju, Kang Baek-jin, Yi Gye-maeng and Kang Heun were given eighty blows of the cane and banished to distant regions. All those exiled were assigned to service as beacon-fire guards or Jeongnohan laborers. The compilers of the histories saw the drafts and did not report them immediately, so Eo Se-gyeom, Yi Keuk-don, Yu Sun and Yun Hyo-son were dismissed from office, and Hong Gwi-dal, Jo Ik-jeong, Heo Chim and An Chim were demoted. Since punishments were decided according to the severity of their crimes, I respectfully report the reasons to the royal ancestral shrine and the altars of the soil and grain.
Reflecting on myself, I am a man of little virtue and dull to affairs. I have eliminated these treacherous factions, and while my deep concern is great, my joy and gratitude are also sincere. Therefore, at dawn on July 27, except for robbers, thieves and those who violated the moral bonds, all persons, whether their cases have been judged or not, are pardoned. If anyone dares to report others for matters that occurred before this pardon was issued, they will be punished.
Alas! A minister must not harbor any intention to make disorder. Since the crime of disloyalty has already been subdued, the gentleman forgives faults and pardons offenses, as it is said. Therefore, let everyone be bathed in the grace of renewal. Accordingly, I issue this proclamation, and I trust that you will understand its meaning.”
Thus, Pyo Yeon-mal, a famous minister born in Sangju, set out for Gyeongwon, his place of exile, but died at Eungye Station on the way. It was a truly sorrowful event.
Record in the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty
The Seongjong Sillok, Volume 13, records Pyo Yeon-mal as follows:
“He practiced learning and conduct throughout his life. When his mother died, his grief exceeded the proper measure. He ate vegetables only after the small mourning ceremony. He lived for three years in a hut beside the grave, did not drink alcohol, did not laugh when showing this, did not loosen his belt at night, and never set foot outside the grave area. In handling funeral affairs, he always followed the Zhu Wengong Jiali (《주문공가례》), and his village was moved by his example, so some abolished Buddhist memorial services. After completing the three-year mourning, he gathered his brothers to divide the inheritance. Among the male and female slaves, the young and strong were all claimed by his elder brothers, but
Pyo Yeon-mal wept and said, 'Our mother always intended that all these slaves should belong to our younger sister. Her spirit still seems to watch over us. How could I betray her wishes?' He then took the old and weak and first attached them to himself. The elder brothers were ashamed and dared not object.
Among the knowledgeable people in the village, all said, 'The conduct of Pyo Yeon-mal's son is nothing to be ashamed of compared with Seol Po.'”
As this record states, Pyo Yeon-mal devoted his life to learning and fulfilled the duties of a filial son. Moreover, as his obituary records, he was of gentle and sincere nature, and he had a literary reputation through his knowledge of the classics and histories. He long served in the royal lecture chamber.
Since such a man wrote his teacher's biographical account, he merely fulfilled the duty of a disciple, and because it was his teacher's biography, some embellishment cannot be considered a crime. Moreover:
‘The virtue and literary achievements of the Master were truly such that he should have been employed early in high office to apply them to affairs. But for the sake of his parents, he took an outside post and remained long in minor offices. Late in life he received the king's favor and was quickly promoted to the Six Ministries, and was about to be greatly employed. But the Master's illness had already become incurable, and he could never again ascend to the court. How is this not a misfortune for our Way!
Those who discuss him say, "Since the Master had not stood at court for long, he did not establish great policies or present great plans." Yet, bearing the central hopes of the cultural community of his age, and able to take on the role of teacher in forming talent, he was one of the few in recent times.’
The biographical account contains no passage that bitterly reviles King Sejo, nor any shadow of deep distrust toward the dynasty that continued through generations.
Yet it is truly a tragedy that Pyo Yeon-mal was exiled simply because he wrote his teacher's biographical account during the Mu-o Purge, in which the teacher and six disciples were beheaded because of political hostility, and that he died on the road to his place of exile. Regarding Pyo Yeon-mal's death, the Veritable Records recorded a short obituary:
“Pyo Yeon-mal died at Eungye Station on the road while being sent into exile. Pyo Yeon-mal was of gentle and sincere nature and had a literary reputation through his knowledge of the classics and histories. He long served in the royal lecture chamber and held several offices, rising to the rank of Dongji Jungchubusa.”
Works
Family
- Great-grandfather: Pyo Eul-chung (表乙忠)
- Grandfather: Pyo Ha (表河)
- Maternal grandfather: An Hong-gi (安鴻起)
- Mother: Tamjin An (耽津安氏)
- Elder brother: Pyo Yeon-won (表沿源)
- Elder brother: Pyo Yeon-han (表沿漢) — magistrate of Yangdeok (陽德縣監)
- Father-in-law: Yi Jong-rim (李從林)
Notes