PersonPolitics

Afonso Pena

Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena (30 November 1847 – 14 June 1909) was a Brazilian lawyer, professor, and politician who served as the sixth president of Brazil, from 1906 until his death in 1909. Pena was elected in 1906, the chosen successor of president Rodrigues Alves.

Born~Died Nov 30, 1847 ~ Jun 14, 1909Last edited Oct 15, 2026, 2:44 PM

Details

Born ~ Died: Nov 30, 1847 ~ Jun 14, 1909
Vice President: Nilo Peçanha
Preceded by: Rodrigues Alves
Succeeded by: Nilo Peçanha
President: Rodrigues Alves
Preceded by: Rosa e Silva
Succeeded by: Nilo Peçanha
Preceded by: Rangel Pestana
Succeeded by: Luís Martins do Amaral
Preceded by: Office established
Succeeded by: Levindo Lopes
Preceded by: Eduardo Ernesto Gama
Succeeded by: Bias Fortes
1885–1885: Justice
1883–1884: Agriculture
1882–1882: War
1903–1906: President of the Senate
1900–1903: State Senator
1891–1891: State Senator
1886–1889: General Deputy
1878–1882: General Deputy
1874–1878: Provincial Deputy
Born: (1847-11-30)30 November 1847, Santa Bárbara, Minas Gerais, Empire of Brazil
Died: 14 June 1909(1909-06-14) (aged 61), Rio de Janeiro, Federal District, Brazil
Cause of death: Pneumonia
Resting place: Afonso Pena Memorial
Party: Liberal (1874–1889), PRM (1891–1909)
Spouse: Maria Guilhermina de Oliveira (m. 1875)
Children: 9
Education: Faculty of Law of São Paulo (LL.B., LL.D.)
Occupation: Lawyerprofessorpolitician
Rank: Brigadier general
Location: -19.9589, -43.4150

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Contents

1.Early life and education
1.1.At the Faculty of Law
1.2.Early law career
1.3.Marriage and family
2.Political rise
2.1.Member of parliament (1874–1882)
2.2.Minister of State (1882–1885)
2.3.In the opposition (1886–1889)
2.4.Fall of the empire
2.5.State Senator (1891)
2.6.President of Minas Gerais (1892–1894)
2.7.President of the Bank of the Republic (1895–1898)
2.8.Vice presidency (1903–1906)

Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena¹ (30 November 1847 – 14 June 1909) was a Brazilian lawyer, professor, and politician who served as the sixth president of Brazil, from 1906 until his death in 1909. Pena was elected in 1906, the chosen successor of president Rodrigues Alves. Pena was the first politician from Minas Gerais to win the presidency, ending the series of politicians from São Paulo who had held the presidency since 1894. Before his presidency, he served as the 4th vice president of Brazil, under Rodrigues Alves (1903–1906) after the death of Silviano Brandão. Pena was a monarchist. He was the only member of Emperor Pedro II's cabinet to become president of Brazil and the first Brazilian president to die in office.

Pena was born in Santa Bárbara, Minas Gerais, in 1847. His father, Domingos José Teixeira Pena, was a Portuguese immigrant who owned slaves and a gold mine. After graduating with a law degree from the Faculty of Law of São Paulo and becoming a doctor at the same institution, Pena returned to his hometown, where he began to work as an attorney, later moving to Barbacena and becoming known for defending slaves. His political career began in 1874 when he joined the Liberal Party and was elected to the Provincial Assembly of Minas Gerais. In 1878, he was elected general deputy for Minas Gerais. In the succeeding years he reconciled legislative work with some periods occupying ministries—Ministry of War (1882), (1883–1884), and (1885).

After the , Pena withdrew from public life; however, he was soon called upon to join the (PRM) and run for the State Senate in order to help with the creation of the new state constitution. Pena was elected to the position in 1891 and presided over the commission that was tasked with drafting the constitution. After resigning his position in the Senate, Pena was elected by consensus among the states' various political factions, serving from 1892 to 1894. It was during his administration that was established as the future state capital (which at that time was ) and the was founded. After presiding over the Bank of the Republic from 1895 to 1898, Pena became vice president to Rodrigues Alves in 1903. As vice president, he also served as .

This page is based on “Afonso Pena” from English Wikipedia, (r1378553915) CC BY-SA 4.0 used under the license. The original authors are listed in its page history.

Last edited Oct 15, 2026, 2:44 PM · r72195 · Text is available under CC BY-SA 4.0.

Portuguese: [aˈfõsu awˈɡustu moˈɾejɾɐ ˈpenɐ]; In the old spelling: Affonso Augusto Moreira Penna, Lima 2016, p. 2. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 2. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Viscardi, p. 1. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷
Silva 2012, p. 178. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Silva 2012, pp. 178–179. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 179. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lima 2016, p. 3. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lacombe 1986, p. 29. ↩
The society's secrecy was treated seriously by its members. After Afonso Pena's death, his son Afonso Júnior found in his father's belongings "a package of papers, carefully tied, with the following note: 'Papers that only Álvaro can know of'". As Álvaro, Afonso Júnior's brother, had already died, he took the papers to Raul Soares, who he knew was a member of the Bucha. After examining the papers, Soares closed the room's doors and windows and asked Afonso Júnior to swear never to tell anyone what he had seen. Afonso Júnior swore it, declaring "all the more readily as I had understood nothing of what was written there in a secret language", Horta 1994, p. 19. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 33. ↩
Viscardi, p. 2. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lang, p. 1. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 33–34. ↩
Viscardi, p. 1-2. ↩
Or 25 November, according to Lacombe 1986, p. 28. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 180. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 28, 34. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 29, 38–39. ↩
Viscardi, p. 3. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Silva 2012, p. 179-181. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 43. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 44. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 4. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶
Silva 2012, p. 188. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi, p. 15. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Vilela. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 181. ↩ ↩²
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1709. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷
The provincial deputy term lasted two years, Guedes 2016, pp. 43–45. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 45–46. ↩
Câmara dos Deputados 1889, p. 367. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 55, 57. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 57. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 58–60. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 69–70, 92. ↩
In 1870 there were more than a million voters in the country, a number that fell to just 150 thousand in the 1881 electoral registration, Lacombe 1986, p. 92. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 70, 73, 75. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 74–77. ↩
Viscardi, p. 4. ↩ ↩²
Câmara dos Deputados 1889, pp. 377, 384, 393. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 47. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 88, 90, 95. ↩
Câmara dos Deputados 1889, p. 388. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 95. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 95–96. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 113. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 97–98, 102. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 102. ↩ ↩²
Silva, p. 1. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 103–104. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 105. ↩
"At the same time that he proclaimed himself an abolitionist and did not, supposedly, have any slaves on his property, he feared that immediate manumission would result in irreversible economic damage to the owners", Viscardi, p. 2. ↩
Viscardi, pp. 4–5. ↩
Viscardi, p. 5. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Lacombe 1986, p. 112. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 115. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 118–120. ↩ ↩²
Lacombe 1986, p. 120. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 182. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶
Lacombe 1986, pp. 121–122. ↩ ↩²
Franco, pp. 1–2. ↩
Franco, p. 1. ↩
Castro, pp. 5–7. ↩
Torres 2018, p. 260. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 127–128. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 49. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 53. ↩
At the time the republic was proclaimed in Brazil, many politicians divided into two currents: the "historical republicans", that is, the ones that had supported a republic before it was proclaimed, and the "adesistas", the ones that only joined the republican cause at the last moment. The most notable historical republican in Minas Gerais had been João Pinheiro, Mari & Filho 2019, pp. 465–466; Viscardi, pp. 5–6. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 5. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, pp. 1709–1710. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1710. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Neto, p. 205. ↩
Viscardi, p. 6. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Neto, p. 207. ↩
Assis 1997, p. 18. ↩
Assis 1997, pp. 18–21. ↩
Viscardi, p. 7. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷ ↩⁸
McCann 2009, p. 101. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 148. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 50. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi 1995, p. 44. ↩
The separatist movement, openly supported by Floriano Peixoto and minister Fernando Lobo, failed when the municipal elections took place normally and its governing board fell apart, despite the presence of general Marciano de Magalhães, tasked with supporting the movement, Lacombe 1986, pp. 156–157. ↩
Ferreira & Delgado 2018, pp. 103–104. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 50, 53. ↩
Câmara. ↩
Peixoto had been indirectly elected Deodoro da Fonseca's vice president by Congress after the proclamation of the republic. A special provision of Brazil's 1891 Constitution, referring to those elected by Congress, stated that they would occupy "the presidency and vice presidency of the Republic during the first presidential period". Article 42 of the Constitution, however, referring to presidents elected by universal suffrage, provided that the vice president would occupy the remainder of the presidential term if at least two years had passed since the president's inauguration, otherwise new elections should be held. Fonseca had resigned less than two years since his inauguration, Lacombe 1986, p. 164. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 165. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Horta 1994, p. 23. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lacombe 1986, p. 158. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 158–159, 164. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 117. ↩
Silva 2012, pp. 182–183. ↩
Viscardi, p. 8. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1711. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶
Guedes 2016, p. 54. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 183. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 60. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi, pp. 8–9. ↩ ↩²
Lacombe 1986, pp. 172–174. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 192. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, pp. 1710–1711. ↩
He was successively re-appointed as the Faculty's director until his death in 1909, despite being out of office while holding other executive and legislative positions, Guedes 2016, p. 55. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 185. ↩ ↩²
Arnaut 2012, p. 539. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 56. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 186. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais 1989, pp. 46–47. ↩ ↩²
Assis 1997, p. 16. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais 1989, pp. 47–48. ↩
Assis 1997, p. 17. ↩
Saletto 2018, p. 44. ↩
Saletto 2018, p. 41. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 6. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Viscardi, pp. 4, 8. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 7. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lacombe 1986, p. 201. ↩
Viscardi, p. 9. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Assis 1997, p. 21. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 243–244. ↩
Franco 2001, pp. 294–295. ↩
Franco 2001, p. 286. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 252. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 251. ↩
Viscardi & Figueiredo 2019, p. 23. ↩
Ricci 2021, p. 90. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Viscardi, p. 10. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷ ↩⁸
Ricci 2021, p. 91. ↩ ↩²
Lacombe 1986, pp. 262–263. ↩
Ricci 2021, p. 92. ↩ ↩²
Ricci 2021, p. 93. ↩ ↩²
Porto 2010, p. 49. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Ricci 2021, p. 94. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 295. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi & Figueiredo 2019, pp. 23, 27. ↩
Vizeu 2019. ↩
"[T]he first time an American Secretary of State had left the United States in an official capacity", Graham 1972, p. 312. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 321, 345–346. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 348. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 350. ↩
Folha Online. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 364–365. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 369. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 374. ↩
Viscardi, p. 11. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Viscardi, p. 13. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Lacombe 1986, p. 381. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 365. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 376–377. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 356. ↩
Pfeffer 2023, p. 120. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 373. ↩
Paes 2006, p. 1. ↩
According to Cláudia Viscardi, the phrase, supposedly said in a speech by Pena given during João Pinheiro's inauguration as governor of Minas Gerais, may never have been said, Viscardi, p. 11. ↩
Senado Federal 2003, pp. 17, 42. ↩
Senado Federal 2003, p. 42. ↩
Mayer, p. 4. ↩ ↩²
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1712. ↩ ↩²
Senado Federal 2003, p. 44. ↩
Rossini, pp. 2–3. ↩
Rossini, p. 3. ↩
International coffee prices had been falling since the Panic of 1893. In the first years, the effects of the supply imbalance caused by overproduction were alleviated by the devaluation of the Brazilian currency. However, exchange rate devaluation could no longer be used in defense of coffee, as it negatively affected urban consumers and was prevented by the austerity policies of presidents Campos Sales and Rodrigues Alves, Rossini, p. 2. ↩
Mendonça 1999, p. 35. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Viscardi (b), pp. 4–5. ↩
Rossini, pp. 4–5. ↩
Rossini, p. 4. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Andrade 2019, p. 264. ↩ ↩²
Mendonça 1999, p. 36. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Viscardi, p. 12. ↩ ↩²
Rodrigues Alves declared: "It is a mistake to think that the country's agriculture cannot prosper without a low exchange rate. Statistics show, on the contrary, that with better rates than the current ones, the price of coffee has gone up and down, but the crop has lived and prospered", Mendonça 1999, p. 36. ↩
Andrade 2019, pp. 264–265. ↩
Andrade 2019, p. 267. ↩
Rossini, p. 6. ↩ ↩²
Mendonça 1999, p. 37. ↩
Pessoa 2019. ↩ ↩²
Rossini, p. 5. ↩
Oliveira & Silva 2012, p. 109. ↩ ↩²
Pereira, p. 15. ↩
Wright 1908, p. 5. ↩
Pereira, p. 7. ↩ ↩²
Wanderley 2018. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Pereira, pp. 15–16. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 174. ↩
Pereira, p. 17. ↩
Pereira, p. 19. ↩ ↩²
Lemos, p. 5. ↩ ↩²
Hilton 1982, p. 632. ↩ ↩²
Lemos, p. 4. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 181. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 181–182. ↩
Calmon 1956, p. 252. ↩ ↩²
Guedes 2016, p. 182. ↩
Lemos, p. 6. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Peregrino 1955, p. 278. ↩
McCann 2009, p. 10. ↩
Kuhlmann 2001, p. 76. ↩
Alves 2017, p. 13. ↩ ↩²
Candeas 2017, p. 181. ↩ ↩²
Alves 2017, pp. 14–15. ↩
Binelo 2016, p. 3. ↩ ↩²
Alves 2017, p. 19. ↩
Alves 2017, pp. 19–20. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 384. ↩ ↩²
Alves 2017, p. 22. ↩
According to Salomão Pontes Alves, Minas Gerais was considered, for a time, the most powerful battleship in the world. The acquisition of the ship raised suspicions among major powers that Brazil was acting as a proxy to sell it to a third party, who could acquire the vessel without raising hostilities, Alves 2017, p. 20. ↩
Alves 2017, pp. 22, 44. ↩
Camargo 2020. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Baily et al. 2003, p. 122. ↩
Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística 2007, p. 225. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 296. ↩ ↩²
Silva 2012, p. 184. ↩ ↩²
Lang (b), p. 1. ↩
Lang (b), p. 3. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 388. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 390. ↩ ↩²
Silva 1985, p. 58. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 183. ↩
Calmon 1956, p. 247. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 179. ↩
Franco 2001, pp. 436–437. ↩
Fritsch 2014, p. 50. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 386. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 388, 390–391. ↩
Calmon 1956, p. 248. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Silva 1985, p. 64. ↩
Carone 1978, p. 93. ↩
Carone 1978, pp. 85–86. ↩
Fritsch 2014, p. 51. ↩ ↩²
Pinheiro et al. 2004, p. 10. ↩
IBGE 2025. ↩
Silva 1985, pp. 78–80. ↩
Graham 1972, p. 299. ↩
IBGE 2025, 0.81% in 1907, -3.2% in 1908 and 10.33% in 1909. ↩
Santos 1991, p. 268. ↩
Santos 1991, p. 259. ↩
Santos 1991, p. 269. ↩ ↩²
Santos 1991, pp. 269–270. ↩
Jorge 1999, p. 131. ↩
Jorge 1999, p. 135. ↩
Jorge 1999, p. 121. ↩
Jorge 1999, pp. 127–128. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, pp. 1712–1713. ↩
Santos 1991, p. 263. ↩
Lafer, pp. 5–6. ↩
Lafer, pp. 10–11. ↩ ↩²
Lafer, pp. 1–2. ↩
Lafer, p. 11. ↩
Lafer, p. 14. ↩
Lafer, p. 12. ↩
Lafer, pp. 12–13. ↩
Heinsfeld, p. 1. ↩ ↩²
Knevitz 2021, p. 1. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Hilton 1982, p. 631. ↩ ↩²
Candeas 2017, p. 180. ↩
One of Rio Branco's objectives was the rapprochement between Brazil, Argentina and Chile in order to ensure peace in the Southern Cone. This was based on Rio Branco's idea of "cordial political intelligence" which, in turn, was based on the "entente cordiale". Despite his peaceful intentions, Rio Branco still argued that Brazil needed "a minimum of military apparatus in order to, in an eventuality, support positions adopted at the international level", Candeas 2017, p. 180; Binelo 2016, pp. 1–3. ↩
The Brazilians argued that, due to the Dreadnoughts' size, they would not be able to navigate on the River Plate and thus there was no reason for concern, Binelo 2016, p. 3. ↩
Zeballos' first disagreement with Rio Branco had occurred in 1875. That year, when Argentine envoy Carlos Tejedor left Rio de Janeiro without greeting the Brazilian emperor, Rio Branco wrote in the newspaper A Nação that there had been "no international offense against Brazil. There was only a gaucherie". Zeballos misunderstood the term gaucherie as gauchada, i.e. acting like a gaucho and replied: "[o]ne of the most important newspapers in Brazil described Mr. Tejedor's withdrawal as a gaucherie. This way of expressing oneself is nothing more than a crude monkey-like antic. It's better to be a gaucho than a monkey", Heinsfeld, pp. 1–2. ↩
Heinsfeld, pp. 1–2. ↩
Reckziegel & Luiza 2006, pp. 94–96. ↩ ↩²
Heinsfeld, p. 3. ↩
Binelo 2016, pp. 1–2. ↩
Candeas 2017, pp. 181–182. ↩
Heinsfeld, pp. 3–4. ↩
Heinsfeld, p. 5. ↩
Candeas 2017, p. 182. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Heinsfeld, pp. 5–6. ↩
Heinsfeld, p. 6. ↩
Heinsfeld, p. 7. ↩
Heinsfeld, pp. 7–8. ↩
Reckziegel & Luiza 2006, p. 95. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Heinsfeld, p. 10. ↩
Pereira 2005, p. 1. ↩
Alonso 2013, p. 385. ↩ ↩²
Pereira 2005, p. 13. ↩
Pereira 2005, pp. 14–15. ↩
Pereira 2005, p. 16. ↩
Alonso 2013, p. 388. ↩
Bailey 1932, p. 404. ↩
Pfeffer 2023, pp. 15–16. ↩
Viscardi, p. 14. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 199–200. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 199. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 200. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 200–201. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 201. ↩ ↩²
Ferreira, p. 4. ↩
Skidmore 1975, p. 734. ↩
Viscardi, pp. 14–15. ↩
Ferreira, p. 6. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 124. ↩
Lima 2017, p. 9. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 370–371. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais 1989, p. 50. ↩ ↩²
Guedes 2016, p. 216. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 297. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi 1995, p. 48. ↩
Calmon 1956, p. 246. ↩
Rossini, p. 7. ↩
Oliveira & Silva 2012, pp. 109–111. ↩
Topik 1987, p. 54. ↩
Skidmore 1975, pp. 733–734. ↩
Ricupero 2016, p. 352; 426. ↩ ↩²
Torres 1961, pp. 220–221. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 189. ↩
Deodato et al. 1958, p. 34. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa de São Paulo 2015. ↩
Câmara Municipal de Conselheiro Pena 2017. ↩
Faculdade de Direito da UFMG. ↩
Mendes 2023. ↩
G1 Minas Gerais 2017. ↩
Gaigher 2016. ↩
Aeroporto Afonso Pena. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 191. ↩
Prefeitura de Santa Bárbara 2010. ↩

Portuguese: [aˈfõsu awˈɡustu moˈɾejɾɐ ˈpenɐ]; In the old spelling: Affonso Augusto Moreira Penna, Lima 2016, p. 2. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 2. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Viscardi, p. 1. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷
Silva 2012, p. 178. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Silva 2012, pp. 178–179. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 179. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lima 2016, p. 3. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lacombe 1986, p. 29. ↩
The society's secrecy was treated seriously by its members. After Afonso Pena's death, his son Afonso Júnior found in his father's belongings "a package of papers, carefully tied, with the following note: 'Papers that only Álvaro can know of'". As Álvaro, Afonso Júnior's brother, had already died, he took the papers to Raul Soares, who he knew was a member of the Bucha. After examining the papers, Soares closed the room's doors and windows and asked Afonso Júnior to swear never to tell anyone what he had seen. Afonso Júnior swore it, declaring "all the more readily as I had understood nothing of what was written there in a secret language", Horta 1994, p. 19. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 33. ↩
Viscardi, p. 2. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lang, p. 1. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 33–34. ↩
Viscardi, p. 1-2. ↩
Or 25 November, according to Lacombe 1986, p. 28. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 180. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 28, 34. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 29, 38–39. ↩
Viscardi, p. 3. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Silva 2012, p. 179-181. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 43. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 44. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 4. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶
Silva 2012, p. 188. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi, p. 15. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Vilela. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 181. ↩ ↩²
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1709. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷
The provincial deputy term lasted two years, Guedes 2016, pp. 43–45. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 45–46. ↩
Câmara dos Deputados 1889, p. 367. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 55, 57. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 57. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 58–60. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 69–70, 92. ↩
In 1870 there were more than a million voters in the country, a number that fell to just 150 thousand in the 1881 electoral registration, Lacombe 1986, p. 92. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 70, 73, 75. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 74–77. ↩
Viscardi, p. 4. ↩ ↩²
Câmara dos Deputados 1889, pp. 377, 384, 393. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 47. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 88, 90, 95. ↩
Câmara dos Deputados 1889, p. 388. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 95. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 95–96. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 113. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 97–98, 102. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 102. ↩ ↩²
Silva, p. 1. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 103–104. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 105. ↩
"At the same time that he proclaimed himself an abolitionist and did not, supposedly, have any slaves on his property, he feared that immediate manumission would result in irreversible economic damage to the owners", Viscardi, p. 2. ↩
Viscardi, pp. 4–5. ↩
Viscardi, p. 5. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Lacombe 1986, p. 112. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 115. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 118–120. ↩ ↩²
Lacombe 1986, p. 120. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 182. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶
Lacombe 1986, pp. 121–122. ↩ ↩²
Franco, pp. 1–2. ↩
Franco, p. 1. ↩
Castro, pp. 5–7. ↩
Torres 2018, p. 260. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 127–128. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 49. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 53. ↩
At the time the republic was proclaimed in Brazil, many politicians divided into two currents: the "historical republicans", that is, the ones that had supported a republic before it was proclaimed, and the "adesistas", the ones that only joined the republican cause at the last moment. The most notable historical republican in Minas Gerais had been João Pinheiro, Mari & Filho 2019, pp. 465–466; Viscardi, pp. 5–6. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 5. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, pp. 1709–1710. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1710. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Neto, p. 205. ↩
Viscardi, p. 6. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Neto, p. 207. ↩
Assis 1997, p. 18. ↩
Assis 1997, pp. 18–21. ↩
Viscardi, p. 7. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷ ↩⁸
McCann 2009, p. 101. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 148. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 50. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi 1995, p. 44. ↩
The separatist movement, openly supported by Floriano Peixoto and minister Fernando Lobo, failed when the municipal elections took place normally and its governing board fell apart, despite the presence of general Marciano de Magalhães, tasked with supporting the movement, Lacombe 1986, pp. 156–157. ↩
Ferreira & Delgado 2018, pp. 103–104. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 50, 53. ↩
Câmara. ↩
Peixoto had been indirectly elected Deodoro da Fonseca's vice president by Congress after the proclamation of the republic. A special provision of Brazil's 1891 Constitution, referring to those elected by Congress, stated that they would occupy "the presidency and vice presidency of the Republic during the first presidential period". Article 42 of the Constitution, however, referring to presidents elected by universal suffrage, provided that the vice president would occupy the remainder of the presidential term if at least two years had passed since the president's inauguration, otherwise new elections should be held. Fonseca had resigned less than two years since his inauguration, Lacombe 1986, p. 164. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 165. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Horta 1994, p. 23. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lacombe 1986, p. 158. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 158–159, 164. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 117. ↩
Silva 2012, pp. 182–183. ↩
Viscardi, p. 8. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1711. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶
Guedes 2016, p. 54. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 183. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 60. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi, pp. 8–9. ↩ ↩²
Lacombe 1986, pp. 172–174. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 192. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, pp. 1710–1711. ↩
He was successively re-appointed as the Faculty's director until his death in 1909, despite being out of office while holding other executive and legislative positions, Guedes 2016, p. 55. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 185. ↩ ↩²
Arnaut 2012, p. 539. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 56. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 186. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais 1989, pp. 46–47. ↩ ↩²
Assis 1997, p. 16. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais 1989, pp. 47–48. ↩
Assis 1997, p. 17. ↩
Saletto 2018, p. 44. ↩
Saletto 2018, p. 41. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 6. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Viscardi, pp. 4, 8. ↩
Lima 2016, p. 7. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Lacombe 1986, p. 201. ↩
Viscardi, p. 9. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Assis 1997, p. 21. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 243–244. ↩
Franco 2001, pp. 294–295. ↩
Franco 2001, p. 286. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 252. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 251. ↩
Viscardi & Figueiredo 2019, p. 23. ↩
Ricci 2021, p. 90. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Viscardi, p. 10. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵ ↩⁶ ↩⁷ ↩⁸
Ricci 2021, p. 91. ↩ ↩²
Lacombe 1986, pp. 262–263. ↩
Ricci 2021, p. 92. ↩ ↩²
Ricci 2021, p. 93. ↩ ↩²
Porto 2010, p. 49. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Ricci 2021, p. 94. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 295. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi & Figueiredo 2019, pp. 23, 27. ↩
Vizeu 2019. ↩
"[T]he first time an American Secretary of State had left the United States in an official capacity", Graham 1972, p. 312. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 321, 345–346. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 348. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 350. ↩
Folha Online. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 364–365. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 369. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 374. ↩
Viscardi, p. 11. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Viscardi, p. 13. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴ ↩⁵
Lacombe 1986, p. 381. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 365. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 376–377. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 356. ↩
Pfeffer 2023, p. 120. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 373. ↩
Paes 2006, p. 1. ↩
According to Cláudia Viscardi, the phrase, supposedly said in a speech by Pena given during João Pinheiro's inauguration as governor of Minas Gerais, may never have been said, Viscardi, p. 11. ↩
Senado Federal 2003, pp. 17, 42. ↩
Senado Federal 2003, p. 42. ↩
Mayer, p. 4. ↩ ↩²
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1712. ↩ ↩²
Senado Federal 2003, p. 44. ↩
Rossini, pp. 2–3. ↩
Rossini, p. 3. ↩
International coffee prices had been falling since the Panic of 1893. In the first years, the effects of the supply imbalance caused by overproduction were alleviated by the devaluation of the Brazilian currency. However, exchange rate devaluation could no longer be used in defense of coffee, as it negatively affected urban consumers and was prevented by the austerity policies of presidents Campos Sales and Rodrigues Alves, Rossini, p. 2. ↩
Mendonça 1999, p. 35. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Viscardi (b), pp. 4–5. ↩
Rossini, pp. 4–5. ↩
Rossini, p. 4. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Andrade 2019, p. 264. ↩ ↩²
Mendonça 1999, p. 36. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Viscardi, p. 12. ↩ ↩²
Rodrigues Alves declared: "It is a mistake to think that the country's agriculture cannot prosper without a low exchange rate. Statistics show, on the contrary, that with better rates than the current ones, the price of coffee has gone up and down, but the crop has lived and prospered", Mendonça 1999, p. 36. ↩
Andrade 2019, pp. 264–265. ↩
Andrade 2019, p. 267. ↩
Rossini, p. 6. ↩ ↩²
Mendonça 1999, p. 37. ↩
Pessoa 2019. ↩ ↩²
Rossini, p. 5. ↩
Oliveira & Silva 2012, p. 109. ↩ ↩²
Pereira, p. 15. ↩
Wright 1908, p. 5. ↩
Pereira, p. 7. ↩ ↩²
Wanderley 2018. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Pereira, pp. 15–16. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 174. ↩
Pereira, p. 17. ↩
Pereira, p. 19. ↩ ↩²
Lemos, p. 5. ↩ ↩²
Hilton 1982, p. 632. ↩ ↩²
Lemos, p. 4. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 181. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 181–182. ↩
Calmon 1956, p. 252. ↩ ↩²
Guedes 2016, p. 182. ↩
Lemos, p. 6. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Peregrino 1955, p. 278. ↩
McCann 2009, p. 10. ↩
Kuhlmann 2001, p. 76. ↩
Alves 2017, p. 13. ↩ ↩²
Candeas 2017, p. 181. ↩ ↩²
Alves 2017, pp. 14–15. ↩
Binelo 2016, p. 3. ↩ ↩²
Alves 2017, p. 19. ↩
Alves 2017, pp. 19–20. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 384. ↩ ↩²
Alves 2017, p. 22. ↩
According to Salomão Pontes Alves, Minas Gerais was considered, for a time, the most powerful battleship in the world. The acquisition of the ship raised suspicions among major powers that Brazil was acting as a proxy to sell it to a third party, who could acquire the vessel without raising hostilities, Alves 2017, p. 20. ↩
Alves 2017, pp. 22, 44. ↩
Camargo 2020. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Baily et al. 2003, p. 122. ↩
Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística 2007, p. 225. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 296. ↩ ↩²
Silva 2012, p. 184. ↩ ↩²
Lang (b), p. 1. ↩
Lang (b), p. 3. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 388. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 390. ↩ ↩²
Silva 1985, p. 58. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 183. ↩
Calmon 1956, p. 247. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 179. ↩
Franco 2001, pp. 436–437. ↩
Fritsch 2014, p. 50. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 386. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 388, 390–391. ↩
Calmon 1956, p. 248. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Silva 1985, p. 64. ↩
Carone 1978, p. 93. ↩
Carone 1978, pp. 85–86. ↩
Fritsch 2014, p. 51. ↩ ↩²
Pinheiro et al. 2004, p. 10. ↩
IBGE 2025. ↩
Silva 1985, pp. 78–80. ↩
Graham 1972, p. 299. ↩
IBGE 2025, 0.81% in 1907, -3.2% in 1908 and 10.33% in 1909. ↩
Santos 1991, p. 268. ↩
Santos 1991, p. 259. ↩
Santos 1991, p. 269. ↩ ↩²
Santos 1991, pp. 269–270. ↩
Jorge 1999, p. 131. ↩
Jorge 1999, p. 135. ↩
Jorge 1999, p. 121. ↩
Jorge 1999, pp. 127–128. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, pp. 1712–1713. ↩
Santos 1991, p. 263. ↩
Lafer, pp. 5–6. ↩
Lafer, pp. 10–11. ↩ ↩²
Lafer, pp. 1–2. ↩
Lafer, p. 11. ↩
Lafer, p. 14. ↩
Lafer, p. 12. ↩
Lafer, pp. 12–13. ↩
Heinsfeld, p. 1. ↩ ↩²
Knevitz 2021, p. 1. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Hilton 1982, p. 631. ↩ ↩²
Candeas 2017, p. 180. ↩
One of Rio Branco's objectives was the rapprochement between Brazil, Argentina and Chile in order to ensure peace in the Southern Cone. This was based on Rio Branco's idea of "cordial political intelligence" which, in turn, was based on the "entente cordiale". Despite his peaceful intentions, Rio Branco still argued that Brazil needed "a minimum of military apparatus in order to, in an eventuality, support positions adopted at the international level", Candeas 2017, p. 180; Binelo 2016, pp. 1–3. ↩
The Brazilians argued that, due to the Dreadnoughts' size, they would not be able to navigate on the River Plate and thus there was no reason for concern, Binelo 2016, p. 3. ↩
Zeballos' first disagreement with Rio Branco had occurred in 1875. That year, when Argentine envoy Carlos Tejedor left Rio de Janeiro without greeting the Brazilian emperor, Rio Branco wrote in the newspaper A Nação that there had been "no international offense against Brazil. There was only a gaucherie". Zeballos misunderstood the term gaucherie as gauchada, i.e. acting like a gaucho and replied: "[o]ne of the most important newspapers in Brazil described Mr. Tejedor's withdrawal as a gaucherie. This way of expressing oneself is nothing more than a crude monkey-like antic. It's better to be a gaucho than a monkey", Heinsfeld, pp. 1–2. ↩
Heinsfeld, pp. 1–2. ↩
Reckziegel & Luiza 2006, pp. 94–96. ↩ ↩²
Heinsfeld, p. 3. ↩
Binelo 2016, pp. 1–2. ↩
Candeas 2017, pp. 181–182. ↩
Heinsfeld, pp. 3–4. ↩
Heinsfeld, p. 5. ↩
Candeas 2017, p. 182. ↩ ↩² ↩³
Heinsfeld, pp. 5–6. ↩
Heinsfeld, p. 6. ↩
Heinsfeld, p. 7. ↩
Heinsfeld, pp. 7–8. ↩
Reckziegel & Luiza 2006, p. 95. ↩ ↩² ↩³ ↩⁴
Heinsfeld, p. 10. ↩
Pereira 2005, p. 1. ↩
Alonso 2013, p. 385. ↩ ↩²
Pereira 2005, p. 13. ↩
Pereira 2005, pp. 14–15. ↩
Pereira 2005, p. 16. ↩
Alonso 2013, p. 388. ↩
Bailey 1932, p. 404. ↩
Pfeffer 2023, pp. 15–16. ↩
Viscardi, p. 14. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 199–200. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 199. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 200. ↩
Guedes 2016, pp. 200–201. ↩
Guedes 2016, p. 201. ↩ ↩²
Ferreira, p. 4. ↩
Skidmore 1975, p. 734. ↩
Viscardi, pp. 14–15. ↩
Ferreira, p. 6. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 124. ↩
Lima 2017, p. 9. ↩
Lacombe 1986, pp. 370–371. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais 1989, p. 50. ↩ ↩²
Guedes 2016, p. 216. ↩
Lacombe 1986, p. 297. ↩ ↩²
Viscardi 1995, p. 48. ↩
Calmon 1956, p. 246. ↩
Rossini, p. 7. ↩
Oliveira & Silva 2012, pp. 109–111. ↩
Topik 1987, p. 54. ↩
Skidmore 1975, pp. 733–734. ↩
Ricupero 2016, p. 352; 426. ↩ ↩²
Torres 1961, pp. 220–221. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 189. ↩
Deodato et al. 1958, p. 34. ↩
Assembleia Legislativa de São Paulo 2015. ↩
Câmara Municipal de Conselheiro Pena 2017. ↩
Faculdade de Direito da UFMG. ↩
Mendes 2023. ↩
G1 Minas Gerais 2017. ↩
Gaigher 2016. ↩
Aeroporto Afonso Pena. ↩
Silva 2012, p. 191. ↩
Prefeitura de Santa Bárbara 2010. ↩

Afonso Pena

Early life and education

At the Faculty of Law

Early law career

Marriage and family

Political rise

Member of parliament (1874–1882)

Minister of State (1882–1885)

In the opposition (1886–1889)

Fall of the empire

State Senator (1891)

President of Minas Gerais (1892–1894)

The threatened republic

Foundation of the Faculty of Law

New state capital

Economic policy and immigration

President of the Bank of the Republic (1895–1898)

Vice presidency (1903–1906)

Presidential election of 1906

Negotiations

Election and inauguration

Presidency (1906–1909)

Domestic policy

Cabinet and appointments

The "kindergarten"

Rondon's expedition

The Taubaté Agreement

National Exhibition of 1908

Army and navy reforms

Immigration and anarchism

Infrastructure

Economy

Foreign policy

Border issues

The Hague Convention

Argentina

United States

Succession crisis and death

Historical reputation and image

Legacy

Homages

Resting place

References

Bibliography

Books

Articles and academic works

Websites

Notes

Footnotes